Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Pepe Escobar: Meet Shah Ali Khamenei

This was written two days ago. Today begins the
'three days of mourning' referred to in paragraph 6.
ed

http://informationclearinghouse.info/article22886.htm

Meet Shah Ali Khamenei

By Pepe Escobar

June 22, 2009 "Asia Times" -- Amid blood in the streets, cries in the
rooftops and daggers drawn at silky corridors, the 30-year-old Islamic
Revolution in Iran has a date with destiny: the challenge is to finally
celebrate the marriage of Islam and democracy.

Former president Mohammad Khatami, the man of the dialogue of civilizations,
revealed once again his moral stature when he praised the massive silent
street protests (before the bloody repression); and stressed that almost 40
million Iranian voters, including those who dispute the final, "official"
result, are "the owners" of the revolution.

Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on the other hand, preferred to brand
the sea of protestors as "terrorists".

Khatami also brushed off the leader of the Guardians Council, President
Mahmud Ahmadinejad-friendly Ahmad Jannati, as "a referee who is under
suspicion and complaint". The "only solution", said Khatami, to "settle the
crisis in the best interests of the Iranian people and the principles of the
revolution" would be for an impartial commission to fully examine the
evidence for ballot rigging. Losing presidential candidate Mir Hossein
Mousavi, for his part, depicted the work of such a commission as "a given
right", capable of "achieving a new type of political life in the country".

As it stands, there's no evidence the theo-political oligarchy which has
just solidified its power in Iran will even contemplate the possibility of
appointing such a commission.

Montazeri to the rescue

The key move for the next few days revolves around Grand Ayatollah Husayn
Montazeri's call for three days of mourning for the dead, from Wednesday to
Friday. The progressive view in Tehran - and among the exiled Iranian
intelligentsia - is that this is a very sophisticated, back to 1979, civil
disobedience code, suggesting citizens should go indefinitely on strike.

To strike is safer, and much more subversive, than hitting the streets and
being bloodied by the paramilitary Basiji. Strikes were a fundamental
element for the success of the revolution 30 years ago. Montazeri is also
subtly signaling the strategy to seduce Iran's silent majority - which may
hover around 30% to 40% of the total population. This strategy, judiciously
applied over the next few days and weeks, may expand the people power river
into a formidable ocean.

It's as if an irresistible force might be whispering in his ear - "Mr
Montazeri, tear down this [Islamic] wall."

Meanwhile, at street level, people power will be grieving the dead but at
the same time fighting the state's implacable crackdown on all forms of
modern technology by resorting to ... paper. Welcome to the 21st century
return of the samizdat (distribution of government-suppressed literature or
other media in Soviet-bloc countries).

In only one week, the green revolution, then people power, in Iran, has
morphed into an entity way beyond Mousavi. The anger, rage, sense of having
suffered a tremendous injustice (never underestimate this feeling in a
Shi'ite society), the pent-up resentment; these emotions were so phenomenal,
the regime so lost control of the arena of political debate, and the
repression has been so brutal. A very simple idea underneath it all has
finally revealed itself: we are fed up. You are liars. Death to the
dictator. Allah-O Akbar. And we will cry every night, across our rooftops,
at the top of our lungs, and we will not be silenced, until you get the
message.

Blame foreign "terrorists", blame the United States, Britain, France and
Germany - the theo-political oligarchy's panicky reaction is totally beside
the point. As are vast, proselytizing sectors of the Western progressive
left - bound by the iron chains and faulty logic of "everyone fighting US
imperialism is my friend". They have been duped - uncritically swallowing
regime propaganda, blind to the complexities of Iranian society, and unable
to identify a completely new political equation for what it is. To believe
that "Western puppets" are crying Allah-O Akbar all over Iran's rooftops, or
being shot at by Basiji in the streets, is criminally absurd.

Mousavi, Khatami, Montazeri - they are not neo-revolutionaries (much less
counter-revolutionaries). They are all accepting the principles and
institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and the Basiji, but criticizing
"deviations and deceptions", in the language of Mousavi and Khatami. They
want nothing else but the "return of the pure principles of the Islamic
Revolution". And they are keen to stress this implies every single form of
freedom of expression.

People power in Iran now dreams of a constant, no-holds-barred dialogue
taking place within civil society. And this step ahead does not necessarily
have to do with Iran adopting Western liberal democracy. Persians are way
too sophisticated; the whole thing goes way, way beyond. It's as if a road
map was being laid out not only for Iran's post-modern remix of the French
Revolution, but for Islam's Reformation as well. This is as serious as it
gets.

Rafsanjani's Qom game

Meanwhile, mundane palace intrigue goes on. Not surprisingly, former
president Hashemi Rafsanjani's whole game is taking place in Qom. He may not
co-opt the IRGC - which fears and hates him - but he may well unbalance many
an influential ayatollah and have a go at illlegitimizing Khamenei. Niceties
apart, it goes without saying that the supreme leader's entourage has told
Rafsanjani that if he keeps on scheming, he and his whole family will land
in deep trouble.

Qom is being microscopically monitored by the supremacist Khamenei
Leader/Ahmadinejad/IRGC faction. They all know that many important
ayatollahs have traditionally promoted their leadership as vehicles for
wider social grievances. The "papacy" in Qom supports mostly pragmatic
conservatives and reformists. People like Mousavi and Khatami. Definitely
not people like Ahmadinejad.

The widow of Mohammad Rajai, a former prime minister assassinated in the
beginning of the revolution, went to Qom to talk to some key ayatollahs. Not
surprisingly, she was arrested. According to the informed Iranian
blogosphere, there are quite a few ayatollahs under house arrest and
practically incommunicado. It's easy to forget in the West that millions of
Iranians do not fundamentally agree with political power submitted to
religion. Public pronouncements of ayatollahs in favor of the separation of
church and state may not be too far away.

Rafsanjani wants an emergency session of the 86 clerics-strong, no women,
Council of Experts. Another crucial point: Qom as a whole is also not very
fond of Khamenei. Khamenei was and remains an ultra-minor scholar; he was a
mere hojjatoleslam when, through a white coup, he was installed as the late
ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's successor. He's not a revered marja (senior
spiritual leader) or a source of imitation.

The problem is Rafsanjani is fighting a formidable foe - the apocalypsist,
Mahdist Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, Ahmadinejad's spiritual mentor who lost
influence to - who else? - Rafsanjani in the last election for the Council
of Experts, in late 2006. So this, once again, is an (invisible) battle
between the "shark" and the "crocodile", as Rafsanjani and Yazdi,
respectively, are known in Iran. Al-Arabiya is relying on sources according
to which Rafsanjani is trying to come up with a collective leadership to
replace the supreme leader. No Iranian blogger has confirmed the possible
emergence of an ayatollah politburo.

Meet Shah Ali Khamenei

For now, the theo-political oligarchy (Khamenei/Ahmadinejad/IRGC) that has
solidified its power and privilege has made it abundantly clear it wants an
Islamic government where popular sovereignty is reduced to zero. The divine
legitimacy of power is self-sufficient. That's the meaning of Khamenei's
speech last Friday. This oligarchy won't let go of their power - not by a
long shot.

But amid all the crackle and static coming out of Iran, one thing is
certain. It's too late to turn back now. All the evidence points out to
people power hanging in for the long haul, no matter how desperately violent
the scruffy working-class Basiji, despised by the Iranian-educated, urban
middle and upper middle class, behave. The key message will remain simple
and modest. And cracks at the top are bound to emerge.

The other option is an illegitimate, brutal military dictatorship of a
(fractured) mullahtariat, supported by legions of Basiji. This arrangement
can't possibly last.

There are insistent rumors in Tehran that the theo-political oligarchy
supremacists are receiving crack counter-insurgency help from both Russia
and China. Khamenei/Ahmadinejad/IRGC can always insist on turning Tehran
into Tiananmen and prevail - for now. But Iran in 2009 has nothing to do
with China in 1989.

As for Mousavi, hurled in spite of himself into the eye of this historic
hurricane, he now follows the human flow. The human flow has indicated that
the supreme leader is illegitimate. His credibility as a religious scholar
was and remains shaky. Now his credibility as supreme leader is shaky as
well.

Khamenei's central thesis of velayat-e-faqih (the rule of jurisprudence) was
never a divine revelation (by the way, it was influenced by Khomeini's
reading of human, oh-so-human Plato and Aristotle). It's just a particular
Shi'ite interpretation of political Islam, according to which an Islamic
jurisprudent has divine powers and rules absolutely surrounded by guardians.
(Influential ayatollahs in Najaf, for instance, simply don't buy it).

Now people are saying, "We have had enough of guardians". And they're also
saying that the answer, my friend, is blowing in the rooftops. That's what
people power is collectively thinking: if God is great, he's got to allow us
democracy within Islam. As for the supreme leader, he is now naked. Mousavi
may not be Khomeini. But Khamenei increasingly is remixing himself as the
shah.

Pepe Escobar is the author of Globalistan: How the Globalized World is
Dissolving into Liquid War (Nimble Books, 2007) and Red Zone Blues: a
snapshot of Baghdad during the surge. His new book, just out, is Obama does
Globalistan (Nimble Books, 2009).

He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com.

Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings)

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