Saturday, May 8, 2010

Whatley: Little Room for Saints, Maizlish: Drilll, Spill,Kill, Sister Pat

From: Pat Krommer
Sent: Saturday, May 08, 2010 4:27 AM
Subject: FW: Why we need more parties.

From a friend in DC.

A woman in a hot air balloon realized she was lost. She lowered her altitude
and spotted a man in a boat below. She shouted to him,

"Excuse me, can you help me? I promised a friend I would meet him an hour
ago, but I don't know where I am."

The man consulted his portable GPS and replied, "You're in a hot air
balloon, approximately 30 feet above ground - elevation of 2,346 feet above
sea level. You are at 31 degrees, 14.97 minutes north latitude - and 100
degrees, 49.09 minutes west longitude.

She rolled her eyes and said, "You must be a Democrat."

"I am," replied the man. "How did you know?"

"Well," answered the balloonist, "everything you told me is technically
correct. But I have no idea what to do with your information, and I'm still
lost. Frankly, you've not been much help to me."

The man smiled and responded, "You must be a Republican."

"I am," replied the balloonist. "How did you know?"

"Well," said the man, "you don't know where you are or where you are going.
You've risen to where you are due to a large quantity of hot air. You made a
promise you have no idea how to keep, and you expect me to solve your
problem. You're in exactly the same position you were in before we met, but
somehow, now it's my fault."

***

From: "Joseph Maizlish" <goodwork@igc.org>
Sent: Friday, May 07, 2010 12:35 PM
Subject: Drill baby drill, spill baby spill, kill baby kill

Ed,

In the discussions about the coal and oil disasters, let's include the
simple chemical and nuclear basics: The highly concentrated sources of
energy are inherently dangerous to mine, drill for, extract, transport,
refine, and use. The oil and gas are volatile -- that's the point of
going after them, that's what makes them useful as fuels and profitable
to control. The coal is associated with volatile gasses; if the
mountains are removed instead of mined, there are other problems. As
humans have to dig and drill deeper for these concentrated and therefore
commercially controllable sources, the increased competition and desire
for control and profits perverts politics everywhere and brings that
extension of politics -- war.

The most concentrated energy source of all is the most dangerous:
radioactivity. Too hot to handle, too hot to use, too hot to dispose
of. But just right for bombs.

The non-volatile and non-radioactive sources are healthier all around.
A wind turbine or a bank of them may kill some birds if not planned and
sited well, but it's not going to contaminate the Gulf of Mexico, the
California coast, the Niger delta, and can't be misdirected into weapons
technology. Solar collectors don't contaminate the Alaskan wilderness
or cause endless wars when the overconsuming societies try to control
the resources and politics of many lands. The sustainables have the
potential to be used at both large and small scale -- some alert
societies are encouraging use at all scales by paying equally per energy
unit whether produced by a home wind turbine or a bank of them.

The loud disputes may be about where to drill and where not to, about
which lands and shores are to be put at risk, or about which lands have
or don't have the right to further pollute the planet with nuclear
contamination. But the fuels they depend on are inherently dangerous in
chemical, radioactive, and political terms.

Joe Maizlish

***

http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the_capitalist_hagiography_has_little_room_for_saints_20100505/

The Capitalist Hagiography Has Little Room for Saints

By Stuart Whatley
Posted on May 5, 2010

This article appeared previously on The Huffington Post.

Perhaps the most enervating element of the BP-Deepwater Horizon disaster is
its eerie familiarity-the sheer, inexorable predictability of it all. There
is poetic injustice in its propinquity on the calendar to the Obama
administration's decision to expand offshore drilling last month, and to the
Supreme Court decision just this year that further did away with any
distinction between 'corporate rights' and 'individual rights'.

Equally predictable is the route the story will take, the revelations that
will arise, and the conclusions that will be reached. Talk of lax regulatory
standards already runs rampant through a wide array of media outlets.
Righteous cries of 'I told you so' resound. Surely this disaster was
avoidable ... it must have been. But from Goldman Sachs to Massey Energy
to-now-British Petroleum (and, unsurprisingly, possibly Halliburton), how
much will things change? Ultimately the recourse is dictated by the laws we
already have in place. And constantly these laws and regulatory structures
turn out to have been rendered obsolete and toothless by precisely the
entities they purport to oversee.

The gulf story will likely be no more about corporate corner-cutting than a
broken political system-the recurring motif of this year. And regrettably,
in a nation that incarcerates people by the hundreds of thousands for
victimless crimes of self-indulgence it is yet inconceivable that those who
wreck global ecological and financial systems could ever suffer anything
exceeding the "cost of doing business." When a corporation falls short of
regulatory standards it does not do so accidentally or unwittingly. Rather,
it is a calculated choice based on risible enforcement efforts and piddling
penalties passed by legislators on the political take.

Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch explosion that left 29 miners dead last
month was a teachable tragic moment. As Mine Safety and Health News' Ellen
Smith thoroughly documented here at HuffPost and elsewhere, dozens of past
violations did nothing to alter the toxic cynicism that prioritizes profit
margin before safety and lives. Whether those pointless deaths and the
pressure from survivors' families will yield real changes to that reality is
yet to be seen. But either way, the likelihood of true justice for this
incident seems low. As Smith writes, "Curiously the only individuals who
might be held personally liable under the Mine Act for the current disaster
are the mine supervisors and foremen. There are no provisions to hold
accountable those people who are responsible for safety policies and
procedures, or the corporate executives who insisted it was more important
to 'run coal' than to build ventilation controls, or the board of directors,
which is ultimately responsible for the conduct of the corporation."

Despite lofty guarantees from the president, the same may as well be said
for the Deepwater Horizon explosion and its so far cataclysmic aftermath. As
the New York Times reports, "Under the law that established the reserve,
called the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund, the operators of the offshore rig
face no more than $75 million in liability for the damages that might be
claimed by individuals, companies or the government, although they are
responsible for the cost of containing and cleaning up the spill."


Beyond the costs of actual clean-up, will BP suffer in the long run? Will
Americans stage mass boycotts against the company through consumer
discrimination? Will it become the industry pariah that politicians
ostracize, even if it provides jobs in their states and districts? Don't
count on it. With gasoline prices already on the uptick and likely to rise
more going into the summer season the lowest price per gallon will sell, no
matter who you are. This is why the greed always pays off, and it is why
neither producer nor consumer can realistically be expected to fix things.
Solutions must come from an intermediary in the form of good governance.

Unfortunately we can't count much on that these days either. It is little
wonder that our regulatory structures are so reliably unreliable. And even
if there turns out to have been no regulatory failure in the case of BP, the
resolution and restitution regime for disasters of this scale is obviously
lacking. The fact that OpenSecrets.org-the Center for Responsive Politics
website that closely tracks political contributions and special interest
"heavy hitters"-is suffering site traffic overloads this week is telling.
OpenSecrets does indeed label BP a heavy hitter because in the 2008 election
cycle it "contributed half a million dollars to federal candidates. About 40
percent of these donations went to Democrats. The top recipient of
BP-related donations during the 2008 cycle was President Barack Obama
himself, who collected $71,00." It also reports that in 2009 BP spent $16
million on lobbying and that in the first quarter of 2010 it's already
expensed $3.53 million for the same purpose, putting it second behind
ConocoPhillips for the industry.

Though it's chump change in BP's overall budget, half a million bucks in an
election cycle can go an astoundingly long way. In their "Iceberg Theory of
Campaign Contributions" [pdf], Marcos Chamon of the IMF and Ethan Kaplan of
Stockholm University explain the power of special interest threats (made far
more credible by Citizens United) as a part of lobbying and electioneering.
It basically goes as follows: We'll give two-thousand bucks to your
reelection campaign, but if we're not pleased with your vote, we'll give
your challenger ten. Taking into account the leveraging that goes into these
threats (spending $2,000 for $12,000 of influence), $500,000 all of a sudden
becomes much, much more. Chamon and Kaplan cite the U.S. sugar industry for
their example, which in 1998 turned $2.8 million in campaign contributions
into over $1,000,000,000 in federal subsidies. And sugar doesn't even
compare to "black gold."

Firms like BP, Massey and Goldman Sachs (to name Public Enemies one, two,
and three these days) are the definition of a "special interest." There is
no political, ideological or religious component to their wants. It's all
about the money, and no potential friend on the Hill is precluded.
Legislators from both parties enter office with implicit agreements all the
time to include this or that subsidy, or to go soft on this or that
regulation to hold up their end of the bargain with their electoral
benefactors. And when it's all told one is left with bodies of legislation
that appear to be (sometimes actually are) written completely for and by the
industry itself.

BP will hang its head for now, but when the class action lawsuits come
rolling in from the industries destroyed by Deepwater Horizon, don't expect
to see an overly munificent defendant ready to make amends. And don't
expect it to not scapegoat the owner of the rig, Transocean, Ltd. In the
end, John Galt will always capitalize and Joe Six-Pack will always look for
the best bargain. Ignoring rudimentary economic axioms won't change
anything.

If corporations may participate in political expression, will they also be
subjected to potential political or criminal repercussions that make the
cost of doing certain kinds of business too much to even consider? Will
"limited liability" continue to apply to unethical and illegal behavior as
well as investment? Will stakeholders such as employees, customers and the
surrounding environment be kept in mind alongside profits? The compounded
frustration with BP, Massey, Goldman and anyone else lurking behind the next
crisis will shunt many important questions like these to the forefront of
policy discussions. But in the background will always be the money that oils
the gears of a perversely incentivizing political system. Until that sees
fundamental change, mine ventilation could easily remain inadequate,
emergency stop valves optional, and casino-style financial products hidden
in the shadows.

Friday, May 7, 2010

Gi's in Opium Land, Rig Survivors Coerced, Barrier Island

Hi.  Here's a not untipical combo from the newest news service
on the block; already among the most interesting and diverse
of the lot.  As I send you maybe 10% of the articles worthy of your
interest, this is one service you may want to directly subscribe to. 
They deserve it.
-Ed
 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Friday, May 07, 2010 12:25 AM
Subject: US Soldiers in Opium Land Feeling the Addiction

If you are having problems viewing this message please click here: http://www.readersupportednews.org/

 

RSN Godot Logo

Reader Supported News | 06 May 10 PM

It's Live on the HomePage Now:
Reader Supported News


US Soldiers in Opium Land Feeling the Addiction
Judson Berger, Fox News
In war all forms of pain relief are on the table. Think of a war in a land of poppy fields.
READ MORE

Rig Survivors Felt Coerced to Sign Waivers
Joseph Shapiro, NPR
A rather draconian portrait of events aboard the BP oil rig as it exploded and burned is emerging: "Guys burning ... like a warzone." And a demand that the survivors sign statements.
READ MORE

Oil Reaches Louisiana Barrier Island
CNN Wire Staff
One of the greatest tragedies of the huge oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico is the impact of the oil on sensitive life-sustaining wetlands.
READ MORE



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Thursday, May 6, 2010

Carlos Varela sings Tonight in LA, Wm Grant Stil Benefit Jazz Saturday, Class Closed - Today

Hi. Here's some great music and more for a long weekend, beginning
today. I'll just mention the show of music and multi-faceted spoken
word, 'Class Closed,' Noon today at Glendale CC, of which I sent a full
description on Sunday. Here's more. Ed

From: Walter Lippmann
SF CHRONICLE: Carlos Varela sings Cuba's stories to the world

(Carlos Varela is performing tonight - Thursday -
at Echoplex in the Echo Park area of Los Angeles.)
==============================================

Carlos Varela sings Cuba's stories to the world
Chuy Varela, Special to The Chronicle

Wednesday, May 5, 2010

Carlos Varela is touring the United States for the first time since 1998.

In his native Cuba, folk-rocker Carlos Varela is in a league of his own.

A protege of New Song icon Silvio Rodriguez, the 47-year-old
singer-songwriter is known for his compelling and insightful songs that hook
listeners with a unique poetic perspective on life on the island nation. His
riveting performance in September in Havana before more than a million
people was a highlight of El Concierto por la Paz (The Concert for Peace)
organized by Colombian pop singer Juanes.

Well-crafted lyrics delivered in a soft, melodious voice with a nylon-string
guitar or in a scratchy growl with hard-strummed steel strings have defined
the style of Carlos Varela. He is also considered a controversial artist in
Cuba.

His latest album, "No Es el Fin" ("It Is Not the End"), is a mix of new
songs and old ones rebottled in new arrangements. The troubadour considers
the project the most coherent and musical of his career.

Varela arrives in Northern California this weekend for shows in Sonoma and
Oakland as part of a six-city tour. Varela has not performed in the United
States since 1998, when he was part of the "Dialogue With Cuba" conference
at UC Berkeley. We caught up with Carlos online for an e-mail interview.

Q: Your U.S. tour is highly anticipated as a signal that the door is opening
again between the United States and Cuba. How do you perceive it?

A: I am convinced that as artists we can achieve more than politicians have
in over 50 years of bad relations to create a special communication between
people who differ in political ideology. As artists we are more in touch
with reality and better understand the priorities of the average citizen.

Q: On your latest album, you masterfully weave electric and acoustic sounds
to complement your lyrics. How has your creative process evolved from your
first recording?

A: I try to understand and reflect the reality that surrounds me. To that
end, I weigh out the changes I experience and that continually reshapes my
songs. Having had the opportunity to travel to other countries and interact
with other artists has given me a more global perspective on certain things
which are quite noticeable on the lyrics and music of this album. I am a
fanatic for new technology too, and now thanks to computers and the
Internet, we do not have to wait years to see and hear what is happening in
the rest of the world or depend on Cuban radio or television to tell us what
is going on.

Q: Life in Cuba is not easy. Do you feel a responsibility to inspire the
Cuban people with your songs, or are you merely the mirror?

A: In the beginning my songs were like photographs, but now they are more
analytical. In either case I believe looking at ourselves through a mirror
helps us to understand better and draw conclusions that help us change what
we don't like about our reality. I know of many cases where my songs have
served as inspiration, comfort, escape, therapy or simply pleasure, which in
either case gives me satisfaction.

Q: Given the limitations in Cuba for freedom of expression, has it been
difficult to get your music out to the public?

A: It's no secret that the media is controlled by the government in Cuba
with very strict criteria about what gets on the air. In the beginning they
avoided playing my recordings to avoid any trouble, but they couldn't stop
the people from filling up the venues that I played at (even though) I could
not publicize my events. But over the years as my career unfolded. I
garnered respect and the media opened up, but it's still frustrating for
younger singer-songwriters who find themselves in the same situation.

Q: You are constantly called "the Bob Dylan of Cuba." What do you think of
the comparison?

A: I don't like being labeled but understand how the media does it to
describe your work in a few words. Last December I was in Los Angeles with
Jackson Browne and heard my album, "No Es el Fin," described as "Dave
Matthews meets Bruce Springsteen," which I found congenial. I have never met
Bob Dylan, but I did use the same microphone he used to record his last
album.

Carlos Varela performs at 8 p.m. Friday at Ramekins Event Center, 450 W.
Spain St., Sonoma. (707) 933-0450 or www.ramekinsevents.com. Also at 8 and
10 p.m. Saturday and Sunday and 2 (family matinee) and 7 p.m. Sunday, at
Yoshi's, 510 Embarcadero West, Oakland. (510) 238-9200 or
www.yoshis.com/Oakland.

E-mail Chuy Varela at datebookletters@sfchronicle.com.

This article appeared on page F - 5 of the San Francisco Chronicle

Read more:
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2010/05/05/DDNB1D7HN4.DTL#ixzz0n7HF87dq

***

From: "johnaimani" <johnaimani@earthlink.net>
Subject: Benefit concert for the William Grant Still Arts Center

The William Grant Still Arts Center and Music LA present

MONK MANIA - a live concert

featuring our Monk Music LA Students and teachers Joyce Maddox, Thom Dower,
Wendy Mazon and

the Marcus Miller Freedom Jazz Movement

plus special guests

Saturday May 8, 2010, 7pm

at the Wilshire Methodist Church
711 South Plymouth Boulevard
Los Angeles, CA 90005
(just a few blocks W. of Vermont Ave.)

Suggested donation is $20 at the door

For more information please call 323-734-1165 or email
ami.motevalli@lacity.org

In conjunction with "I Can't Stand Still", from the Festival of New American
Musicals

The William Grant Still Arts Center is a facility of the City of Los
Angeles, Department of Cultural Affairs

Wednesday, May 5, 2010

Why Arizona Isn't Crazy, Just Wrong, Here Come the Suns

http://www.alternet.org/story/146736/why_arizona_isn't_crazy,_just_wrong

Why Arizona Isn't Crazy, Just Wrong

Spend some time in Arizona, and you may come to see why so many of its
residents support a law that has outraged the nation.

By Eve Conant
Newsweek / May 5, 2010

The first time I drove out of Phoenix I was stunned by two things: the
oppressive heat, and how quickly the city ended and the desert, with its
saguaro cacti and brambly creosote, began. It's been more than 20 years
since my parents first moved to Arizona, and that desert highway is now
flanked by a ribbon of shopping malls and housing developments. A few years
ago I would have told you those beige subdivisions with their manicured rock
gardens were a safe and friendly place to raise kids. Ask me now and I'd
say: think twice.

Arizona has outraged the nation with a new immigration law that obligates
authorities to check the documents of anyone they believe is in the country
illegally, based on a "reasonable suspicion" during a "lawful" stop. Some
accuse lawmakers and the 70 percent of Arizonans who support the bill of
acting like Nazis, or of turning Arizona into an apartheid state. But spend
some time in Arizona, and you may come to see why so many Arizonans want
this.

It's terrifying to live next door to homes filled with human traffickers,
drug smugglers, AK-47s, pit bulls, and desperate laborers stuffed 30 to a
room, shoes removed to hinder escape. During a month's reporting with police
and other law-enforcement agents in Arizona last year, I met many scared
people. One man who lived next to a "drop house" for Mexican workers slept
with two guns under his bed, his children not allowed to play in the
backyard. The sound of gunshots was not uncommon. "Four years ago this
neighborhood was poodles and old ladies," he said, too frightened to give
his name. "Now it's absolutely insane." That morning, authorities had raided
the drop house. When the neighbor told me how his kids had been evacuated
behind riot shields, he began to cry. Others, too, were unhappy: the
undocumented workers taken from the house were exhausted, sweaty, and dead
quiet as they sat on a curb with their hands cuffed, waiting to be taken
away.

Within 24 hours I witnessed another bust, this one prompted by a tip from
Tennessee authorities. They reported a threat to kill a kidnap victim, and a
ransom demand for $3,500. Sheriff's deputies went to a pleasant house with a
two-car garage. Inside, they found dozens of immigrants crammed into
unfurnished bedrooms, the windows boarded from the inside, shoes and belts
piled up in the closet. The search also turned up a Taser-like device, a
sawed-off shotgun, and two pistols. Another day, I watched the Phoenix
police break up a "stash house" filled with guns and hundreds of pounds of
marijuana. An hour later they raided a McMansion adorned with hunting
trophies and Scarface posters; a white SUV jammed with 300 pounds of
marijuana was parked out front. (Sixty percent of all the marijuana that
reaches the U.S. transits Arizona.)

Again, the house was in a high-end development, nowhere near the border.

None of this means the new law is a good idea. In addition to Arizona, I've
also lived in Russia, which requires its citizens to carry documents at all
times. Police usually carry out spot checks on darker-skinned people from
the Caucasus or the "stans"-people who often go to Russia as illegal migrant
workers. These workers are also the targets of racially motivated attacks
and killings. Average Russians don't bat an eye.We don't want to head in
that direction. The overwhelming majority of Mexicans who come here are not
criminals. Most are just desperate for honest work. But clearly something
needs to be done about the traffickers who bring them to the U.S. Last year
the U.S. marshal for Arizona, David Gonzales, told me he had some 200 active
warrants for Mexicans in and around Phoenix engaged in organized crime. Last
week he told me he had 324, and even more in Tucson. So what's the solution?
Gonzales favors an approach backed by many other law-enforcement and
immigration specialists: the federal government, he says, must step in to
make the border more secure and to amend the system so more Mexicans can
enter the country legally-without the "help" of criminal cartels.

***

From: Dave Zirin
To: epearlag

A New Era: Here Come The Suns!

By Dave Zirin
Edge of Sports: May 04, 2010

A battle has been joined for the very soul of Arizona. On one side, there
are the Minutemen, the craven state Republican lawmakers, Governor Jan
Brewer, and the utterly unprincipled John McCain, all supporting SB 1070, a
law that codifies racial profiling of immigrants in the state. On the other
are the Sun Belt residents who protested on May 1st, the students who have
engaged in walkouts, and the politicians and civic leaders calling for an
economic boycott of their own state.


This battle has also been joined in the world of sports. On one side is
Major League Baseball's Arizona Diamondbacks. Owned by state Republican
moneyman Ken Kendrick, the team has drawn protestors to parks around the
country. On the other side, we now have the Phoenix Suns. On Tuesday the
news came forth that tomorrow on Cinco de Mayo, the team would be wearing
jerseys that say simply Los Suns. Team owner Robert Sarver said, after
talking to the team, that this will be an act of sartorial solidarity
against the bill. Their opponent, the San Antonio Spurs have made clear that
they support the gesture.

In a statement released by the team, Sarver said, "The frustration with the
federal government's failure to deal with the issue of illegal immigration
resulted in passage of a flawed state law. However intended, the result of
passing this law is that our basic principles of equal rights and protection
under the law are being called into question, and Arizona's already
struggling economy will suffer even further setbacks at a time when the
state can ill-afford them."


He followed up the statement by saying to reporters, "I looked around our
plane and looked at our players and the diversity in our organization. I
thought we need to go on record that we honor our diversity in our team, in
the NBA and we need to show support for that. As for the political part of
that, that's my statement. There are times you need to stand up and be
heard. I respect people's views on the other side but I just felt it was
appropriate for me to stand up and make a statement."

After Sarver spoke out, the team chimed in against the passage and signing
of SB 1070. Two-time MVP point guard Steve Nash, who in 2003 became the
first athlete to go on record against the Iraq war said, "I think the law is
very misguided. I think it is unfortunately to the detriment to our society
and our civil liberties and I think it is very important for us to stand up
for things we believe in. I think the law obviously can target opportunities
for racial profiling. Things we don't want to see and don't need to see in
2010."


All-Star power forward Amare Stoudamire, who has no political reputation,
also chimed in saying, "It's going to be great to wear Los Suns to let the
Latin community know we're behind them 100%."
After the story broke, I spoke on the phone with NBA Players Association
Presdient Billy Hunter about the Suns audacious move.

"It's phenomenal," he said. "This makes it clear to me that it's a new era.
It's a new time. Athletes can tend to be apolitical and isolated from the
issues that impact the general public. But now here come the Suns. I would
have expected nothing less from Steve Nash who has been out front on a
number of issues over the years. I also want to recognize Amare. I know how
strident Amare can be and I'm really impressed to see him channel his
intensity. It shows a tremendous growth and maturity on his part. And I have
to applaud Bob Sarver because he is really taking a risk by putting himself
out there. I commend them. I just think it's super."

He said that the union would have their own statement out by the end of the
week.

This kind of political intervention by a sports team is without precedent
and now every athlete and every team has an opening to stand up and be
heard. Because when it's all said and done, this isn't just a battle for the
soul of Arizona. It's a battle for the soul of the United States. Here come
the Suns indeed.

[Dave Zirin is the author of the forthcoming "Bad Sports: How Owners are
Ruining the Games we Love" (Scribner) Receive his column every week by
emailing dave@edgeofsports.com. Contact him at edgeofsports@gmail.com.]

Edge of Sports | Modify Your Subscription | Unsubscribe Now

Reich: The Rebirth of Regulation, Please Vote, Truthdig Wins A Webby

Hi. As I write, I'm listening to Democracy Now's remarkable show on
the oil blowout. It's mostly giving information vastly beyond anything
I've heard, seen or read, in history, scope, details, et al. I strongly
urge you to pick if up live or by logging on to www.democracynow.org -Ed

From: Deborah Lagutaris
Sent: Monday, May 03, 2010 1:53 PM
Subject: Please vote

*The Globe has a poll on funding for abortion as part of the G8 package to
support women and girls. The question is "Do you think Canada should fund
abortion services as part of a G8 initiative to improve the health of
mothers in poor countries?"

Please vote!

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/globe-online-poll/article1547855/

***

From: Truthdig
Sent: Tuesday, May 04, 2010 6:30 PM

www.Truthdig.com

Subject: Truthdig Wins a Webby

Drilling beneath the headlines DAILY.

Dear Friends,

We are thrilled to announce that Truthdig has won this year's official Webby
Award jury prize for Best Political Blog. A big thanks to all for your
enthusiasm and support! We are proud of our contributors and grateful to our
readers.

Hailed as the "Oscars of the Internet" by the New York Times, the Webby
Awards are the leading international honor for excellence on the Internet,
including websites, interactive advertising, online film and video, and
mobile sites. The impressive list of finalists in the Political Blog
category included the Huffington Post, The Economist, The Atlantic and The
New Yorker.

This is Truthdig's second Webby win, having received both the official jury
prize and the People's Voice award for Best Political Blog in 2007.

The Webbys are judged by the International Academy of Digital Arts and
Sciences, a 750-member group of Web experts that includes Harvey Weinstein,
Arianna Huffington, Matt Groening, Internet inventor Vinton Cerf, and
RealNetworks founder Rob Glaser. The 14th annual Webby Awards received
nearly 10,000 entries from over 60 countries.

In other exciting Truthdig news, on Monday our lead cartoonist, Mr. Fish,
took home this year's prestigious Sigma Delta Chi award for Editorial
Cartooning from the Society of Professional Journalists.

Thanks so much for always supporting Truthdig!

Editor Robert Scheer and Publisher Zuade Kaufman

Keep on digging!

* * *

http://www.truthout.org/robert-reich-the-rebirth-regulation59146

The Rebirth of Regulation

By Robert Reich
RobertReich.Org: 04 May, 2010

What do oil giant BP, the mining company Massey Energy, and Goldman Sachs
have in common? They're all big firms involved in massive plunder. BP's oil
spill is already one of the biggest and most damaging in American history.
Massey's mine disaster, claiming the lives of 29 miners, is one of the worst
in recent history. Goldman's alleged fraud is but a part of the largest
financial meltdown in 75 years.

All three of these companies are also publicly-held, which means that much
of the financial costs of these failures will be passed on to their
shareholders, many of whom are already watching their stock prices plummet.
Prominently among those shareholders are pension funds and mutual funds held
by people like you and me.

That may seem fair. After all, shareholders benefitted when BP made big
profits extracting oil without paying attention to a possible blowout, when
Massey Energy got fat earnings from its careless coal mining operations, and
when Goldman Sachs did wonderously well for its own stock holders by
allegedly defrauding others. In fact, it was pressure from their
shareholders seeking the highest possible returns - and their executives,
whose pay is linked to the firms' share performance - that led all three
companies to cut whatever corners they could cut in pursuit of profits.

But profits aren't everything, which is why we have regulations that are
supposed to be enforced. So a key question in each of these instances is:
Where were the regulators?

Why didn't the Department of Interior's Minerals Management Service make
sure offshore oil rigs have backup systems to prevent blowouts? One clue:
You may remember MMS's wild drinking parties exposed during the Bush era.

Where was the Mine Safety and Health Administration before the Upper Big
Branch mine exploded? MSHA says it fined the company for a whole string of
violations, but the law didn't allow fines high enough to deter the company.
Which raises the next question: Given Massey's record, why didn't the
Bush-era MSHA seek to change the law and increase the penalties?

Why didn't the Securities and Exchange Commission spot fraud on the Street
when it was happening? Well, as we all now know, the Bush SEC was asleep at
the wheel.

But don't blame it all on George W. For thirty years, deregulation has been
all the rage in Washington. Even where regulations exist, Congress has set
such low penalties that disregarding the regulations and risking fines has
been treated by firms as a cost of doing business. And for years,
enforcement budgets have been slashed, with the result that there are rarely
enough inspectors to do the job. The assumption has been markets know best,
and when they don't civil lawsuits and government prosecutions will deter
wrongdoing.

Wrong.

When shareholders demand the highest returns possible and executive pay is
linked to stock performance, many companies will do whatever necessary to
squeeze out added profits. And that will spell disaster - giant oil spills,
terrible coal-mine disasters, and Wall Street meltdowns - unless the nation
has tough regulations backed up by significant penalties, including jail
terms for executives found guilty of recklessness, and vigilant enforcement.

After thirty years of deregulation, it's time for the rebirth of regulation:
Not heavy-handed and unncessarily costly regulation, but regulation that's
up to the task of protecting the public from companies and executives that
will do almost anything to make a buck.

Tuesday, May 4, 2010

Welfare for Billionaires, The Euro Trap

From: Anthony Saidy
laweekly.com Weekly Newsletter laweeklyCommunity@bigcity.com
Sent: Thu, April 29, 2010 12:39:27 PM
Subject: This Week at laweekly.com

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| BEST OF | CLASSIFIED | PROMOTIONS | SEARCH | AD INDEX

News National News | Comics | Blog

$1 Rent for Billionaire Broad

So much for Villaraigosa's new era of transparency and shared sacrifice

BY TIBBY ROTHMAN

Welcome, Los Angeles, to your postrecessionary urban life. Prices are being
hiked by the City Council for superfluous items like DWP power and trash
pickup, the city is issuing $500 red-light camera tickets to increase
revenue, and the mayor and council are slashing library service in poor
neighborhoods. But, while Angelenos were cobbling together the rent, City
Councilwoman Jan Perry and others were involved in secret negotiations to
lease billionaire Eli Broad a piece of choice, taxpayer-owned property next
to Walt Disney Concert Hall for $1 a year. All this unfolded as City Hall
leaders, including Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and Perry, who represents
downtown, were advocating municipal ... MORE »
http://www.laweekly.com/2010-04-29/news/1-rent-for-billionaire-broad?src=newsletter

***

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/30/opinion/30krugman.html?th&emc=th

The Euro Trap

By PAUL KRUGMAN
NY Times Op-Ed: April 29, 2010

Not that long ago, European economists used to mock their American
counterparts for having questioned the wisdom of Europe's march to monetary
union. "On the whole," declared an article published just this past January,
"the euro has, thus far, gone much better than many U.S. economists had
predicted."

Oops. The article summarized the euro-skeptics' views as having been: "It
can't happen, it's a bad idea, it won't last." Well, it did happen, but
right now it does seem to have been a bad idea for exactly the reasons the
skeptics cited. And as for whether it will last - suddenly, that's looking
like an open question.

To understand the euro-mess - and its lessons for the rest of us - you need
to see past the headlines. Right now everyone is focused on public debt,
which can make it seem as if this is a simple story of governments that
couldn't control their spending. But that's only part of the story for
Greece, much less for Portugal, and not at all the story for Spain.

The fact is that three years ago none of the countries now in or near crisis
seemed to be in deep fiscal trouble. Even Greece's 2007 budget deficit was
no higher, as a share of G.D.P., than the deficits the United States ran in
the mid-1980s (morning in America!), while Spain actually ran a surplus. And
all of the countries were attracting large inflows of foreign capital,
largely because markets believed that membership in the euro zone made
Greek, Portuguese and Spanish bonds safe investments.

Then came the global financial crisis. Those inflows of capital dried up;
revenues plunged and deficits soared; and membership in the euro, which had
encouraged markets to love the crisis countries not wisely but too well,
turned into a trap.

What's the nature of the trap? During the years of easy money, wages and
prices in the crisis countries rose much faster than in the rest of Europe.
Now that the money is no longer rolling in, those countries need to get
costs back in line.

But that's a much harder thing to do now than it was when each European
nation had its own currency. Back then, costs could be brought in line by
adjusting exchange rates - e.g., Greece could cut its wages relative to
German wages simply by reducing the value of the drachma in terms of
Deutsche marks. Now that Greece and Germany share the same currency,
however, the only way to reduce Greek relative costs is through some
combination of German inflation and Greek deflation. And since Germany won't
accept inflation, deflation it is.

The problem is that deflation - falling wages and prices - is always and
everywhere a deeply painful process. It invariably involves a prolonged
slump with high unemployment. And it also aggravates debt problems, both
public and private, because incomes fall while the debt burden doesn't.

Hence the crisis. Greece's fiscal woes would be serious but probably
manageable if the Greek economy's prospects for the next few years looked
even moderately favorable. But they don't. Earlier this week, when it
downgraded Greek debt, Standard & Poor's suggested that the euro value of
Greek G.D.P. may not return to its 2008 level until 2017, meaning that
Greece has no hope of growing out of its troubles.

All this is exactly what the euro-skeptics feared. Giving up the ability to
adjust exchange rates, they warned, would invite future crises. And it has.

So what will happen to the euro? Until recently, most analysts, myself
included, considered a euro breakup basically impossible, since any
government that even hinted that it was considering leaving the euro would
be inviting a catastrophic run on its banks. But if the crisis countries are
forced into default, they'll probably face severe bank runs anyway, forcing
them into emergency measures like temporary restrictions on bank
withdrawals. This would open the door to euro exit.

So is the euro itself in danger? In a word, yes. If European leaders don't
start acting much more forcefully, providing Greece with enough help to
avoid the worst, a chain reaction that starts with a Greek default and ends
up wreaking much wider havoc looks all too possible.

Meanwhile, what are the lessons for the rest of us?

The deficit hawks are already trying to appropriate the European crisis,
presenting it as an object lesson in the evils of government red ink. What
the crisis really demonstrates, however, is the dangers of putting yourself
in a policy straitjacket. When they joined the euro, the governments of
Greece, Portugal and Spain denied themselves the ability to do some bad
things, like printing too much money; but they also denied themselves the
ability to respond flexibly to events.

And when crisis strikes, governments need to be able to act. That's what the
architects of the euro forgot - and the rest of us need to remember.

Krugman: Drilling- Disaster-Denial. Arizona Copycats

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/03/opinion/03krugman.html?th&emc=th

Drilling, Disaster, Denial

By PAUL KRUGMAN
NY Times Op-Ed: May 2, 2010

It took futuristic technology to achieve one of the worst ecological
disasters on record. Without such technology, after all, BP couldn't have
drilled the Deepwater Horizon well in the first place. Yet for those who
remember their environmental history, the catastrophe in the gulf has a
strangely old-fashioned feel, reminiscent of the events that led to the
first Earth Day, four decades ago.

And maybe, just maybe, the disaster will help reverse environmentalism's
long political slide - a slide largely caused by our very success in
alleviating highly visible pollution. If so, there may be a small silver
lining to a very dark cloud.

Environmentalism began as a response to pollution that everyone could see.
The spill in the gulf recalls the 1969 blowout that coated the beaches of
Santa Barbara in oil. But 1969 was also the year the Cuyahoga River, which
flows through Cleveland, caught fire. Meanwhile, Lake Erie was widely
declared "dead," its waters contaminated by algal blooms. And major U.S.
cities - especially, but by no means only, Los Angeles - were often cloaked
in thick, acrid smog.

It wasn't that hard, under the circumstances, to mobilize political support
for action. The Environmental Protection Agency was founded, the Clean Water
Act was enacted, and America began making headway against its most visible
environmental problems. Air quality improved: smog alerts in Los Angeles,
which used to have more than 100 a year, have become rare. Rivers stopped
burning, and some became swimmable again. And Lake Erie has come back to
life, in part thanks to a ban on laundry detergents containing phosphates.

Yet there was a downside to this success story.

For one thing, as visible pollution has diminished, so has public concern
over environmental issues. According to a recent Gallup survey, "Americans
are now less worried about a series of environmental problems than at any
time in the past 20 years."

This decline in concern would be fine if visible pollution were all that
mattered - but it isn't, of course. In particular, greenhouse gases pose a
greater threat than smog or burning rivers ever did. But it's hard to get
the public focused on a form of pollution that's invisible, and whose
effects unfold over decades rather than days.

Nor was a loss of public interest the only negative consequence of the
decline in visible pollution. As the photogenic crises of the 1960s and
1970s faded from memory, conservatives began pushing back against
environmental regulation.

Much of the pushback took the form of demands that environmental
restrictions be weakened. But there was also an attempt to construct a
narrative in which advocates of strong environmental protection were either
extremists - "eco-Nazis," according to Rush Limbaugh - or effete liberal
snobs trying to impose their aesthetic preferences on ordinary Americans.
(I'm
sorry to say that the long effort to block construction of a wind farm off
Cape Cod - which may finally be over thanks to the Obama administration -
played right into that caricature.)

And let's admit it: by and large, the anti-environmentalists have been
winning the argument, at least as far as public opinion is concerned.

Then came the gulf disaster. Suddenly, environmental destruction was
photogenic again.

For the most part, anti-environmentalists have been silent about the
catastrophe. True, Mr. Limbaugh - arguably the Republican Party's de facto
leader - promptly suggested that environmentalists might have blown up the
rig to head off further offshore drilling. But that remark probably
reflected desperation: Mr. Limbaugh knows that his narrative has just taken
a big hit.

For the gulf blowout is a pointed reminder that the environment won't take
care of itself, that unless carefully watched and regulated, modern
technology and industry can all too easily inflict horrific damage on the
planet.

Will America take heed? It depends a lot on leadership. In particular,
President Obama needs to seize the moment; he needs to take on the "Drill,
baby, drill" crowd, telling America that courting irreversible environmental
disaster for the sake of a few barrels of oil, an amount that will hardly
affect our dependence on imports, is a terrible bargain.

It's true that Mr. Obama isn't as well positioned to make this a teachable
moment as he should be: just a month ago he announced a plan to open much of
the Atlantic coast to oil exploration, a move that shocked many of his
supporters and makes it hard for him to claim the moral high ground now.

But he needs to get beyond that. The catastrophe in the gulf offers an
opportunity, a chance to recapture some of the spirit of the original Earth
Day. And if that happens, some good may yet come of this ecological
nightmare.

***

http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2010/05/03-5

Arizona's Immigration Law Spurs Copycat Legislation
by Marcelo Ballvé

New America Media: May 3, 2010

Arizona's new get-tough immigration law has emboldened other state capitols
to follow suit.

Legislators in at least 10 states -- Utah, Oklahoma, Colorado, Ohio,
Missouri, Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, Texas, and Maryland -- have
called for laws that would mirror Arizona's Senate Bill 1070, according to
the Progressive States Network and reporting by New America Media.

First out of the gate to actually introduce a bill was South Carolina.

Along with 20 co-sponsors, Rep. Eric Bedingfield, a Republican, introduced a
bill April 29 that, like Arizona's, requires law enforcement officials to
check individuals' immigration status.

Some of the language in the South Carolina bill, which was posted on the
legislature's website, is virtually identical to the most controversial
portion of the Arizona measure signed into law by Gov. Jan Brewer on April
23.

The South Carolina bill reads: "When reasonable suspicion exists that the
person is an alien who is unlawfully present in the United States, a
reasonable attempt must be made, when practicable, to determine the
immigration status of the person."

Civil rights advocates, like the Rev. Al Sharpton, blasted the same phrasing
in the Arizona law as opening the door to ethnic profiling of Latinos and
anyone else appearing foreign-born. Kevin R. Johnson, dean of the University
of California, Davis School of Law, agrees the language is "very open-ended"
and that some of the civil rights concerns over the Arizona law are
warranted. But, he argues, successful legal challenges will likely focus on
the far more clear-cut case that such laws usurp the federal government's
constitutionally granted supremacy over immigration.

Even so, state capitals, county seats and city halls insist on trying to
legislate immigration controls.

In 2007, for example, Oklahoma passed a hard-line immigration law that,
while not as tough as Arizona's, imposed a set of controls on employers and
made it a felony to harbor, shelter or transport undocumented immigrants.

This year, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit struck down a
section of the Oklahoma law pertaining to penalties on employers. The court
said the Oklahoma measure was pre-empted in that area by federal law.

But that didn't frighten Oklahoma legislators away from the immigration
issue. They are now cobbling together proposals that would outdo even
Arizona. Republican Rep. Randy Terrill has said a bill he's authoring may go
one step further and provide for the seizure and forfeiture of property of
those caught in immigration violations. Latino communities in Oklahoma, who
lived through panic and an exodus in the wake of the 2007 law, are bracing
for a new crackdown, says Patricia Fennel, executive director of the
Tulsa-based Latino Community Development Agency.

"With the legislature we have now, if that [new] legislation was introduced
tomorrow, I think it would pass easily," says Fennel.

The controversial Arizona law may be emboldening immigration hardliners.

But as Oklahoma's own experience shows, states' efforts to curb illegal
immigration -- and criminalize it -- pre-date Arizona's new bill.

But Arizona's action seems to have spread the idea that state-level
immigration laws can get tougher. Mississippi passed a bill in 2008 that
made it a felony for an undocumented immigrant to solicit or accept work in
the state. Now, Mississippi legislators are calling for the state to adopt
Arizona's tougher approach, according to Bill Chandler, executive director
of the Mississippi Immigrant Rights Alliance. The handful of state
legislators known for their frequent "ranting and raving" about illegal
immigration "ramped it up since Arizona," adds Chandler.

In Missouri, a broad bill to crack down on illegal immigration was being
considered in the legislature as Arizona debated and passed its law. The
Missouri bill, the subject of hearings last week, would make it a felony to
knowingly transport or harbor an undocumented immigrant. But now the bill's
sponsor, Republican Rep. Mark Parkinson, says he will go further and
introduce legislation similar to Arizona's next year.

Utah is another state that has recently taken a hard tack on immigration. A
Utah law, which went into effect last year, sought to prevent state
employers from hiring undocumented immigrants and also made it illegal to
harbor them. At the same time, undocumented immigrants are allowed in-state
tuition in Utah schools, and the influential Mormon Church allows
undocumented immigrants to be bishops.

Now, Republican Rep. Stephen Sandstrom says he's drafting a bill modeled on
Arizona's. "With Arizona making the first step in this direction, Utah needs
to pass a similar law or we will see a huge influx of illegals," he was
quoted as saying in The Salt Lake Tribune.

Despite the rash of calls for copycat legislation, it is likely an attitude
of caution will prevail in many places, says Suman Raghunathan, who tracks
immigration policy for the New York-based Progressive States Network, which
works with progressive state legislators nationwide.

In Texas, for example, some legislators have called for a local version of
the Arizona law. But Gov. Rick Perry, a conservative Republican, has
cautioned against doing that. So has the business community.

States aren't the only jurisdictions trying to craft their own immigration
laws. Last year, Farmers Branch, a suburb of Dallas, Texas, passed an
ordinance seeking to bar landlords from renting apartments to undocumented
immigrants. That ordinance was struck down by the federal courts, as was a
similar one passed a few years ago in Hazelton, Penn.

However, states and localities will continue taking matters into their own
hands until Congress enacts federal immigration reform. Congressional action
seems at least possible this year after Senate Democrats' release of an
immigration reform blueprint last week.

Immigrant advocates like to point out that both the backers and detractors
of Arizona-style laws agree that the nation's immigration system is broken.
The question is when the U.S. Congress and White House will summon the
resolve fix it.

"The crisis in Arizona today only shows what happens when the federal
government fails to do its job," says Ali Noorani, executive director of the
National Immigration Forum.

Copyright © Pacific News Service

Monday, May 3, 2010

Knesset speaker hints at one-state, Inspired by Cochabamba

From: <tchilds@resist.ca>
Sent: Sunday, May 02, 2010

http://pasifik.ca/node/16123

Inspired by Cochabamba: The Rights of Mother Earth and 'Bien Vivir'
in Cochabamba 2010

To have countless brothers and sisters from all around the world at your
disposal to exchange stories, ideas, smiles, handshakes, and hugs, is an
empowering experience.

by Julien Lalonde
Julien Lalonde was one of the delegates of Toronto Bolivia Solidarity to
the Cochabamba Conference in Bolivia, April 19-22.

They say that Cochabamba is the 'corazon', the heart of Bolivia, and that
Bolivia is the heart of South America. So it was very appropriate and only
fitting that the Cochabamba, heart of the world's epicenter of social
change, became the focal point of solidarity by hosting from April 19-22,
2010, the first World People's Conference on Climate Change and the Rights
of Mother Earth.

International presence and exchange was remarkable, with people and
delegations from the U.S., France, Italy, Zambia, Colombia, England,
Brazil, Tanzania, Venezuela, Cuba, Chile, Argentina, and even great
compañeros from Paraguay, and Greece, to name only a few. Canadian
activists had a significant presence among the tens of thousands of
participants.

The conference featured half a dozen different venues with panels and
presentations going on around the clock. Information was accessible and
plentiful, the possibilities and options of what you could take in and
what you could participate in were boundless. There was a lot of activity
condensed into four days and letting it all permeate was a task and a
beautiful privilege.
The conference was structured for 17 different working groups; action
strategies, structural causes, climate debt, agriculture and food
sovereignty, the Right of Mother Earth, and harmony with nature and 'vivir
bien' amongst others. The goal was to draft a declaration for each theme
as an official position statement for the conference, which will also be
sent as a set of demands in the name of humanity and Mother Earth to the
Summit in Cancun taking place in October of this year.

For all its academic content, its theory, and its endless panels, the
summit created new spaces, new connections, and new hope. The experience
was about networking, exchanging contacts, meeting new people and gaining
new perspectives. To have countless brothers and sisters from all around
the world at your disposal to exchange stories, ideas, smiles, handshakes,
and hugs, is an empowering experience. Its our duty to take these messages
back home, to draw the best ideas from the best places from these most
inspiring people and to mesh everything together. Strength lies in the
complexity of our mosaic, in the confidence of our collective threads, and
the summit illustrated this very successfully.

Early on the summit took on a very unique complexion as a dynamic evolved
between the conventional anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist discourse,
and the new call for the ideas of sustainability, permaculture, bien vivir
or living well instead of living better, and an embrace of traditional
indigenous values and practices to get back to a communitarian way of life
in harmony, reciprocity, and respect with Mother Earth. This creative
energy was manifest in the working groups at every turn, in a process of
collective creation. Two correlative schools interacted, which made for a
fruitful and fiery exchange of ideas.

In his opening address, Evo Morales spoke wisely, not so much about the
ravages and inequalities of capitalism, and the destruction of our planet,
but about rejecting foreign, artificial consumption habits, and about
making small daily changes, telling anecdotes about changes that we need
to make in our personal lives. He talked about not drinking Coca-Cola and
that we need to check our indifference to plastic waste.

The message was that the answers already exist, that sustainable solutions
are at our fingertips, and that the way of life we aspire to is there for
the taking. Politically, your mentality can be changed and advanced
tenfold, but if you keep consuming like the system compels you to consume,
if you don't change your way of life, your energy, if personal commitments
are not made, then we are running on treadmills.

The indigenous culture, its values and practices is where we will seek and
find our answers. This involves living a life in affinity with Mother
Earth, and severing ties to the artificial, the chemical, the unnatural.
We need to be living as we should be living - of the earth.
The changes ahead, the changes that we need to establish, are not simply a
distant vision. We have to see the path of change as a tangible entity,
and no longer think of sustainability, equality, peace and justice, a
world free of exploitation, and a communitarian way of life in harmony
with nature only as possibilities.

Humanity has to rediscover humanity, and we have to understand that the
practices needed for a natural and sustainable world already exist, and
that the consciousness and values required to effect that change are
already inside of us.

And, perhaps most importantly, as a great friend of the earth has said, we
have to understand that "the answers to the future lie in the traditions
of the past." (Eduardo Galeano)
There is much to discuss, and much to build on moving forward. Now,
internationally, the local chapters of this gigantic endeavour of the
human family must begin with enthusiasm and adherence.

For more reports and commentary on the Cochabamba Conference and its
decisions, see the Toronto Bolivia Solidarity Web page (LINK) and Climate
and Capitalism's Cochabamba page.

***

From: "Sid Shniad" <shniad@gmail.com>

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2010/04/2010429194642122928.html

*Knesset speaker hints at one-state*

Aljazeera.net: April 29, 2010

Reuven Rivlin, the speaker of Israel's Knesset, has said that he would
rather accept Palestinians as citizens of one country than divide Israel and
the West Bank into two separate states.

"I would rather [have] Palestinians as citizens of this country over
dividing the land up," Rivlin, a member of the ruling Likud party, was
quoted as saying in Israel's Haaretz newspaper on Thursday.

Speaking during a meeting with Kyriakos Loukakis, Greece's ambassador to
Israel, Rivlin said that he did not see any point of Israel signing a peace
agreement with the Palestinian Authority.

He said that he did not believe Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president,
"could deliver the goods".

As speaker of the Israel's parliament, Rivlin would serve as acting
president in the absence or incapacitation of the president.

Last month, Amr Moussa, the Arab league's secretary-general, said that the
league was investigating the possibility of supporting a one-state solution
if Israel left no opportunity to build two states.

Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan leader, told the UN general assembly last year
that a two-state solution is not a feasible approach to bringing peace in
the Middle East.

Fundamental changes

Rivlin said last year that Israeli Arabs were an inseparable part of the
country that often encounter racism and arrogance from Israel's Jews.

In a speech given in the president's residence, he called for a fundamental
change in relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel, urging the foundation
of a "true partnership" between the two sectors, based on mutual respect and
absolute equality.

"Israeli Arabs are a group with a highly defined shared national identity,
and which will forever be, as a collective, an important and integral part
of Israeli society."

Haaretz also reported him as saying that the establishment of Israel was
accompanied by much pain and suffering and was a real trauma for the
Palestinians.

"Many of Israel's Arabs, which see themselves as part of the Palestinian
population, feel the pain of their brothers across the green line - a pain
they feel the state of Israel is responsible for."
_______________________________________________
Rad-Green mailing list
Rad-Green@lists.econ.utah.edu

Rich: The Fire Next Time, Connect the Dots

From: Lgartt@aol.com
Connect the Dots Monday 7to 8AM May 3 2001

Lila Garrett (Host)
KPFK 90.7 FM in LA; 98.7 Santa Barbara

Monday morning at 7 on CONNECT THE DOTS Wall Street reform with
John Cavanagh, director of the Progressive think tank, IPS, Institute for
Policy Studies.

And we'll cover the Obama administration's new request for Congress to give
another 33 billion for the war in Afghanistan. According to journalist
David Swanson, this time the money is openly targeted to escalate the war.
Which Congress people will stand up and vote "NO"? Which oppose the war but
lack the courage to vote against the escalation? Which actually support it?
Journalist David Swanson reports.

And the cry to boycott Arizona for its racist new law is rising all over the
country. In Los Angeles Councilwoman Janice Hahn lead the charge with a
Resolution for the City Council. She has contacted City Councils all over
the United States to join. She reports on the response and the rising
People's Movement. All Monday morning at 7 on CONNECT THE DOTS


http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/02/opinion/02rich.html?th&emc=th

If Only Arizona Were the Real Problem

By FRANK RICH
Published: May 1, 2010


DON'T blame it all on Arizona. The Grand Canyon State simply happened to be
in the right place at the right time to tilt over to the dark side. Its
hysteria is but another symptom of a political virus that can't be
quarantined and whose cure is as yet unknown.

If many of Arizona's defenders and critics hold one belief in common, it's
that the new "show me your papers" law is sui generis: it's seen as one
angry border state's response to its outsized share of America's illegal
immigration crisis. But to label this development "Arizona's folly"
trivializes its import and reach. The more you examine the law's provisions
and proponents, the more you realize that it's the latest and (so far) most
vicious battle in a far broader movement that is not just about illegal
immigrants - and that is steadily increasing its annexation of one of
America's two major political parties.

Arizonans, like all Americans, have every right to be furious about
Washington's protracted and bipartisan failure to address the immigration
stalemate. To be angry about illegal immigration is hardly tantamount to
being a bigot. But the Arizona law expressing that anger is bigoted, and in
a very particular way. The law dovetails seamlessly with the national "Take
Back America" crusade that has attended the rise of Barack Obama and the
accelerating demographic shift our first African-American president
represents.

The crowd that wants Latinos to show their papers if there's a "reasonable
suspicion" of illegality is often the same crowd still demanding that the
president produce a document proving his own citizenship. Lest there be any
doubt of that confluence, Rush Limbaugh hammered the point home after Obama
criticized Arizona's action. "I can understand Obama being touchy on the
subject of producing your papers," he said. "Maybe he's afraid somebody's
going to ask him for his." Or, as Glenn Beck chimed in about the president
last week: "What has he said that sounds like American?"

To the "Take Back America" right, the illegitimate Obama is Illegal Alien
No. 1. It's no surprise that of the 35 members of the Arizona House who
voted for the immigration law (the entire Republican caucus), 31 voted soon
after for another new law that would require all presidential candidates to
produce birth certificates to qualify for inclusion on the state's 2012
ballot. With the whole country now watching Arizona, that "birther" bill was
abruptly yanked Thursday.

The legislators who voted for both it and the immigration law were
exclusively Republicans, but what happened in the Arizona G.O.P. is not
staying in Arizona. Officials in at least 10 other states are now teeing up
their own new immigration legislation. They are doing so even in un-Arizonan
places like Ohio, Missouri, Maryland and Nebraska, none of them on the
Department of Homeland Security's 2009 list of the 10 states that contain
three-quarters of America's illegal immigrant population.

Outbreaks of nativist apoplexy are nothing new in American history. The last
derailed George W. Bush's apparently earnest effort to get a bipartisan
immigration compromise through the Senate in 2007. At the time, the more
egregious expressions of anti-immigrant rage - including Arizona's
self-appointed border-patrol militia, the Minutemen - were stigmatized as a
fringe by the White House and much of the G.O.P. establishment. John McCain,
though facing a tough fight for the Republican presidential nomination,
signed on to the Bush reform effort despite being slimed by those in his
party's base who accused him of supporting "amnesty."

What a difference the Tea Party makes. This time McCain endorsed his state's
new immigration law as "a good tool" and "a very important step forward,"
and propagandized in favor of it with his widely ridiculed televised canard
that illegal immigrants were "intentionally causing accidents on the
freeway." McCain, like other mainstream conservative Republicans facing
primaries this year, is now fighting for his political life against a Tea
Party-supported radical. His opponent, the former congressman and radio
shock jock J. D. Hayworth, is an unabashed birther who frames the
immigration debate as an opportunity to "stand up for our culture,"
presumably against all immigrants, legal and illegal alike. In this
political climate, he could well win.

McCain, like Arizona, shouldn't be singled out for censure: He is far from
alone in cowering before his party's extremists. Neither Mitch McConnell,
John Boehner nor Eric Cantor dared say a word against Arizona's law. Mitt
Romney, who was mocked during the 2008 campaign for having employed
undocumented Guatemalan immigrants as landscapers on his Massachusetts
estate, tried to deflect the issue by vacillating (as usual). So did Mike
Huckabee, who told The Dallas Morning News last week that "it's not my place
to agree or disagree" with what happened in Arizona. If it's not the place
of a talk-show host and prospective presidential candidate to take a stand
on an issue of this moment, whose place is it? There are few profiles in
courage among the leaders in this G.O.P. - only a lot of guys hiding under
their desks.

The one group of Republicans that has been forthright in criticizing the
Arizona law is the Bush circle: Jeb Bush, the former speechwriter Michael
Gerson, the Homeland Security secretary Tom Ridge, the adviser Mark McKinnon
and, with somewhat more equivocal language, Karl Rove. McKinnon and Rove
know well that Latino-bashing will ultimately prove political suicide in a
century when Hispanic Americans are well on their way to becoming the
largest minority in the country and are already the swing voters in many
critical states.

The Bushies, however, have no power and no juice in the new conservative
order. The former president is nearly as reviled in some Tea Party circles
as Obama is. Even conservatives as seemingly above reproach as Senator
Lindsey Graham of South Carolina now invite the nastiest of blow-back if
they fail Tea Party purity tests. When Graham had the gall to work with
Chuck Schumer of New York on an immigration reform bill, the hard-line
Americans for Legal Immigration punished him by spreading rumors about his
private life as loudly as possible. Graham has been backing away from
supporting the immigration bill ever since.

It's harder and harder to cling to the conventional wisdom that the Tea
Party is merely an element in the G.O.P., not the party's controlling
force - the tail that's wagging the snarling dog. It's also hard to maintain
that the Tea Party's nuttier elements are merely a fringe of a fringe. The
first national Tea Party convention, in Nashville in February, chose as its
kickoff speaker the former presidential candidate Tom Tancredo, a notorious
nativist who surely was enlisted precisely because he runs around saying
things like he has "no idea where Obama was born." The Times/CBS poll of the
Tea Party movement found that only 41 percent of its supporters believe that
the president was born in the United States.

The angry right and its apologists also keep insisting that race has nothing
to do with their political passions. Thus Sarah Palin explained that it's
Obama and the "lamestream media" that are responsible for "perpetuating this
myth that racial profiling is a part" of Arizona's law. So how does that
profiling work without race or ethnicity, exactly? Brian Bilbray, a
Republican Congressman from California and another supporter of the law,
rode to the rescue by suggesting "they will look at the kind of dress you
wear." Wise Latinas better start shopping at Talbots!

In this Alice in Wonderland inversion of reality, it's politically incorrect
to entertain a reasonable suspicion that race may be at least a factor in
what drives an action like the Arizona immigration law. Any racism in
America, it turns out, is directed at whites. Beck called Obama a "racist."
Newt Gingrich called Sonia Sotomayor a "Latina woman racist." When Obama put
up a routine YouTube video calling for the Democratic base to mobilize last
week - which he defined as "young people, African-Americans, Latinos and
women" - the Republican National Committee attacked him for playing the race
card. Presumably the best defense is a good offense when you're a party
boasting an all-white membership in both the House and the Senate and
represented by governors who omit slavery from their proclamations of
Confederate History Month.

In a development that can only be described as startling, the G.O.P.'s one
visible black leader, the party chairman Michael Steele, went off message
when appearing at DePaul University on April 20. He conceded that
African-Americans "really don't have a reason" to vote Republican, citing
his party's pursuit of a race-baiting "Southern strategy" since the
Nixon-Agnew era. For this he was attacked by conservatives who denied there
had ever been such a strategy. That bit of historical revisionism would
require erasing, for starters, Strom Thurmond and Jesse Helms, not to
mention the Willie Horton campaign that helped to propel Bush 41 into the
White House in 1988.

The rage of 2010 is far more incendiary than anything that went down in
1988, and it will soon leap from illegal immigration to other issues in
other states. Boycott the Diamondbacks and Phoenix's convention hotels if
you want to punish Arizona, but don't for a second believe that it will stop
the fire next time.

Sunday, May 2, 2010

NO CUTS, Murphy's Law and Drill-Drill-Drill

*FUN *LAUGHTER *CLASS-CONFLICT *THE BLUES
*POETRY *WE GOT IT ALL IN
**CLASS CLOSED**

PERFORMANCE AND POLITICS TO PROTECT CALIFORNIA
COMMUNITY COLLEGE EDUCATION

WHERE: GLENDALE COMMUNITY COLLEGE, MAIN QUAD

WHEN: THURSDAY, MAY 6TH, 11:45 TO 1:15 PM

WHO: Bernie Pearl, Bluesman extraordinaire, The Get Lit Players - Teenage
Wizards of Poetry, Yvette Freeman, Actress, Manny Bracamonte, Rapper,
S. Pearl Sharp, Director, Professor Gordon Alexandre, M.C.

*The skit CLASS CLOSED was written by Joan Holden, former head writer of the
Tony award-winning San Francisco Mime Troupe, and William Shields,
playwright and labor activist, chair of Labor and Community Studies at SF
City College".

NO CUTS PRODUCED BY Ed Pearl and Ash Grove Music

SPONSORED BY Glendale College Faculty Guild in collaboration with the
Calif. Federation of Teachers and the Glendale College Assoc. Students.


On May 6th, 2010 the Glendale College Faculty Guild presemts NO CUTS a
community-wide performance and politics event focused on protecting the
California Community Colleges. The event is on the campus green, free,
and open to the Public.

NO CUTS is an hour-long program OF THEATER, music, poetry AND conversation
AIMED DIRECTLY AT EDUCATING STUDENTS ON CAMPUS ABOUT the California Budget
process, touring colleges in the Fall semester. Here, It debuts a public
theater skit by Joan Holden, longtime playwright for the Tony Award-winning,
nation's longest-running political theater company SFMT, and William
Shields, playwright and labor activist, chair of Labor and Community Studies
at SF City College".
No Cuts was organized by Ed Pearl, founder of legendary music club,
The Ash Grove, and current Exex. Dir. of www.ashgrovemusic.com

THE PROGRAM CREATIVELY ADDRESSES THESE QUESTIONS:

How can we keep the focus on protecting education in California? How does
eroding public education in California influence (HARM?) students, faculty,
the community and the economy? How do we communicate to Sacramento the
importance of public education as an investment in California's human
resources?

Speakers and performers will connect the NEW AND DIFFICULT everyday choices
made by students and faculty - trying to get into classes, adjusting to
changes in fees and financial aid, feeling frozen out of transfers, having
to turn students away from classes, wondering about the future - to the
broader realities of the California Budget process. Is there really no
money for education, or do we need to rethink California's priorities and
fiscal processes?

The Ash Grove is a community-based cultural arts organization that produces
and promotes traditional, contemporary, and ground-breaking music and other
arts from diverse cultures to spark social understanding and activism.

This event is also generously supported and funded by the Glendale College
Associated Students, the Glendale College Foundation, CSEA, and the Glendale
College Administration.

***

http://www.commondreams.org/view/2010/04/28-2

Murphy's Law and the Stupidity of Obama's
Drill-Drill-Drill Offshore Oil Policy

by Dave Lindorff
Common Dreams: April 28, 2010

British Petroleum had a fail-safe system for it's Deepwater Horizon floating
deep-water drilling rig.

You know, the one that blew up and sank in the Gulf of Mexico, leaving a
tangled spaghetti pile of 22-inch steel pipe one mile long all balled up on
the sea floor a mile below the surface, and that is leaking oil at 42,000
gallons per day...so far.

The thing is, the fail-safe system, about the size of a McMansion sitting at
the wellhead on the ocean floor, um, failed. It didn't collapse and shut off
the flow of oil as intended, and it could take months now to shut the well
down--during which time the leak rate is likely to increase to up to 300,000
gallons per day, or over two million gallons a week.

President Obama claimed last month that off-shore drilling technology had
become so advanced that oil spills and blowouts were a thing of the past. Of
course, as he said this, Australia and Indonesia were still assessing the
damage from a similar offshore oil platform, the Montana, in the Timor Sea,
which blew out and poured millions of gallons of oil into the ocean off
Western Australia for over three months before it could be sealed off.

Murphy's Law: Anything that can go wrong will go wrong.

Given that this is true, particular of complex technological enterprises,
the question that needs to be asked is not, what is the probability of a
catastrophic failure of an offshore well, but what is the potential damage
in the event of even one such catastrophe for the local environment?

In the case of the Deepwater Horizon, the potential damage if this well
really blows is staggering. Just 50 miles off the coast of Louisiana, it
poses a near fatal risk to the region's wetlands and bayous, with their
shrimp and oyster fisheries, not to mention the breeding grounds they
provide for endangered birds, fish and other animals.

But the real lesson of the Deepwater Horizon is what it means for expanded
drilling in the Arctic waters north of Alaska.

Oil companies, including BP, Exxon Mobil, Chevron, Shell and others, like
Goldman traders looking at a tranch of subprime mortgages, are casting
covetous eyes on the Arctic Ocean and the oil and gas that studies suggest
lie under the virgin sea floor. Their plan is to drill for these
hydrocarbons once the summer sea ice vanishes as a result of rising global
temperatures (more about this in a future article).

Obama, as part of his opening of more coastal areas to drilling, is
including areas of the Beaufort and Chukchi Seas, which are already ice free
during summer.

But let's think about this for a moment. Suppose there were a blowout like
the one in the Gulf of Mexico at a rig drilling in the Arctic? Suppose it
happened towards the end of the short summer, when the ice was about to
return to cover the ocean surface? If it was a blowout that couldn't be
plugged, like the Montana blowout in the Timor Sea, or if the fail-safe
system at the wellhead failed, as with the Deepwater Horizon, and if the
only solution was, as with the Montana well, to drill new wells to ease the
pressure on the blown well, how would this be done, once the ice moved in?

Answer? It couldn't be done. Murphy's Law again. And so millions of gallons
of crude oil would rise up out of the burst wellhead to spread out
underneath the ice, whence it would eventually move on to destroy hundreds
of miles of fragile coastline, probably killing untold numbers of species
that live in the affected waters. The damage from such a completely
predictable disaster wouldn't just be staggering, like the Montana or the
Deepwater Horizon blowouts, but incomprehensible!

So why are we even talking about this?

The argument, made ad nauseum by Republicans and Democrats alike, is that
the US needs more energy, and that we don't want to be dependent for our oil
on "countries that hate us."

And yet, there is a much simpler answer than hanging a hydrocarbon Sword of
Damocles over our nation's critical coastal areas. Just copy Europe and
impose a 100% tax on gas and oil, to make people turn away from 15 or 20 or
25-mile-per-gallon vehicles and start driving fuel-efficient cars,
car-pooling or forgoing cars altogether.

Even better, tax the crap out of cars that don't get at least 35 or even 40
mpg.

Oh, I know. People will say, "but poor people in rural areas or in the
suburbs can't pay those rates for gas to get to work, and they have to buy
used cars that don't get such high mileage rates."

I understand the problem, but it is solvable, by establishing refundable tax
credits for low-income people who can document long commuting distances, for
example.

The main point is that the country doesn't need to drill in risky settings.
It needs only to cut oil consumption.

What's clear is that drilling in the open ocean is simply disaster after
disaster waiting to happen.

Dave Lindorff is a Philadelphia-based journalist and columnist. He is author
of Marketplace Medicine: The Rise of the For-Profit Hospital Chains
<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0553075527?ie=UTF8&tag=commondreams-20&linkCode=xm2&camp=1789&creativeASIN=0553075527>(BantamBooks,
1992), and his latest book "The Case for Impeachment
<http://www.amazon.com/dp/031237254X?tag=commondreams-20&camp=0&creative=0&linkCode=as1&creativeASIN=031237254X&adid=1325Y0QA314TRVSSQQX8&>"
(St. Martin's Press, 2006). His work is available at
www.thiscantbehappening.net

Saturday, May 1, 2010

Rudy Acuña: The Ox Bow Incident, Civil Rights in America

From: "Rudy Saves" <hchsc003@csun.edu>

The Ox Bow Incident

By Rodolfo F. Acuña

Reading the posts in the Huffingtonpost.com I was surprised at the poor
grasp of history of many of the wannabe bloggers. One wrote, "In the
last five minutes I've seen about half a dozen references to Nazi
Germany, which tells me that those who keep using these references have
no frame of reference about what happened in Nazi Germany, and have
nothing constructive to add to the argument, whether their argument be
pro or con." It continued, "Is this bad law? To be sure. Does it warrant
comparisons with Nazi Germany? Absolutely not." The point was that
genocide had not been committed—(yet).

As a historian, I recall the famous statement attributed to Pastor
Martin Niemöller in 1946 about the inactivity of German intellectuals in
the rise to power of the Nazis and their targeting chosen groups.

THEY CAME FIRST for the Communists,
and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Communist.

THEN THEY CAME for the Jews,
and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew.

THEN THEY CAME for the trade unionists,
and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a trade unionist.

THEN THEY CAME for me
and by that time no one was left to speak up.

At what point in history should people have collectively spoken out?

Let's not be hypocritical. Arizonians are targeting Mexican-looking
people. To the credit of a large number of people, there has been a
moral outrage. SB 1070, signed into law this week, among other things,
requires all law enforcement officers in Arizona to act on "reasonable"
suspicion that an individual is in the country illegally—a law that the
Sheriff of Pima County has sternly criticized.

Two days later, the legislature passed,

HB 2281 (bill attacking ethnic/raza studies) states that any course,
class, instruction, or material may not be primarily designed for
pupils of a particular ethnic group as determined by the State
Superintendent of Instruction. State aid will be withheld from any
school district or charter school that does not comply.

It was signed by the Arizona governor. This act sets the stage to attack
the Tucson Public Schools highly successful La Raza Studies program and
to outlaw books which the censors deem critical of the United States.
This follows on the heels of the Texas Board of Education whitewashing
of history.

Everyone should see The Ox Bow incident (1943), especially the following
scene: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eezMiIuNNn8. When does a society
become a lynch mob? Does this warrant the analogy to Nazi-like actions?
I would say that Nazism took time to whip itself up and did not begin
with the mass genocide of Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals etc.

Between 1848-1928, god fearing Americans lynched at least 597 Mexicans.
This does not count Mexicans killed by Texas Rangers and other so-called
citizens.

I write about these injustices to prevent making the same—I hate to use
the word—mistakes as the past. The Arizona law is beyond mean spirited.
It is reflective of a dark mood that many American people are going
through—these so called Minute Men want blood--they are not ready—nor
do they want—to listen to reason.

THEN THEY CAME for me, and people DID speak up

***

From: moderator@Portside.org

http://www.brennancenter.org/blog/archives_books/civil_rights_in_america_snccs_50th_anniversary/

Civil Rights in America: SNCC's 50th Anniversary

Interview with historian Taylor Branch

by Susan Lehman
April 22, 2010

The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) celebrated its 50th
reunion last weekend. SNCC played a major role in the sit-ins, freedom
rides, voter registration drives and marches that defined the American Civil
Rights movement.

Pulitzer-Prize winning historian Taylor Branch says SNCC's role in shaping
America is as essential as that of the Founding Fathers. He reports from the
conference.

Susan Lehman: John Lewis, Julian Bond, Charles Cobb, Ruby Sales, Dave Dennis
and other SNCC veterans gathered at Shaw University last weekend. What most
surprised you about the 50th Anniversary conference?

Taylor Branch: What was most surprising was how many people showed up. SNCC
people are notoriously argumentative. They are dying out. They are scattered
all over the place. And yet, I don't know the precise number, but it seemed
to me there were more than a thousand people there.

SL: How do you explain the big turnout?

TB: There is a hunger for what is fundamental. A lot of people think our
national politics is out of whack. SNCC addressed problems that no one
thought could be solved, and risked their lives doing it. They know they
deserve credit for this. And I think they are alarmed about what is
happening in the country. Apart from all this, there was probably a sense
that for a lot of them, this is their last shot to get together with people
they were bosom buddies with 50 years ago. If it's a 50th, and you miss it,
you can't plausibly say, "Hmm, I'll skip this one and go to the 60th!

SL: How would you characterize SNCC's legacy?

TB: SNCC played a far larger and more positive role in American history than
is commonly appreciated. Correctly viewed -- and historically viewed -- the
SNCC people shoved into motion an awful lot of freedoms that changed the
country in fundamental ways we take for granted today. This extends far
beyond eliminating segregation.

SNCC helped end -- literally -- the spirit of terror in a whole region of
the country where people were afraid in a meeting room or a living room, or
a downtown place that had any mixed presence. Doing so made people's hands
sweat. Because violence was ever present. People were getting beaten up,
killed and insulted and there was a lot of hatred running through the land.
SNCC's witness eliminated this and also changed the partisan structure of
politics in the whole country.

By winning the right to vote for black people, SNCC helped create the
two-party South. It also helped create - or stimulate - prosperity in the
South, which was impossible while the South was gnarled up enforcing
segregation. The region was not fit for major-league sports teams, then, as
soon as segregation was eliminated, sports teams - the Atlanta Braves and
Miami Dolphins teams sprouted up, and the Sun Belt was born. There were all
kinds of blessings for lots of people. And not just black and white people,
but for women and the disabled. The women's movement and a whole host of
movements that followed came out of a fundamental struggle over questions
about what equal citizenship means, what the role of politics is, and the
responsibility of every student.

Properly viewed - and history will one day see it this way - the Civil
Rights movement in general, and SNCC people as the young shock troops,
playing the same role as the Founding Fathers did. They confronted systems
of hierarchy and oppression, and set into motion a new politics of equal
citizenship that benefited everybody.

On the uses of nonviolence

SL: What can be learned from SNCC's successes in eliminating racial
desegregation?

TB: The overwhelming lesson is that they grounded themselves in nonviolence
and in the notion that people will respond to the moral values of equal
citizenship and democracy and basic religious morality, if it's dramatized
sufficiently. And they discovered a kind of nuclear energy in nonviolent
witness from the sit-ins to the voting rights era. That's a pretty big
discovery.

SL: Is there anything in contemporary American political life that suggests
nonviolence could be as powerful a force now as it was during the Civil
Rights Movement?

TB: All political agitation is a form of nonviolence and political debate
will win out in the end. But I don't see any contagious movements of
nonviolence. One of my biggest complaints when I got to universities is that
no one is studying nonviolence. Here you had a movement that came out from
the weakest and most invisible segment of society in civil rights; it was a
movement that adopted nonviolence and really shoved society -- against its
own will -- in a direction of profound and beneficial reform. Yet
nonviolence isn't studied. It's a travesty that you can go on university
campuses in the politics department and find people writing dissertations on
minor attack ads in a campaign but not studying something as sweeping as the
changes eight-year-old girls wrought on the national psyche by walking in
front of dogs and fire hoses. This is a pretty remarkable thing. We are the
oldest experimental democracy, and whole idea of democracy is to settle
disagreements by vote instead of the sword. The vote -- as Dr. King used to
say -- is an act of nonviolence. It's not a totally marginal issue.

SL: Speaking of voting and marginalization -- If patterns of felony
disenfranchisement persist, we'll have a higher level of disenfranchisement
among African Americans in a few years, than we did at the time the Voting
Rights Act passed.

TB: This is a political issue that needs to be addressed. Certainly the
direction of American history from the inception has been to widen the
franchise, not to narrow it. If we are actually narrowing it in a
significant or politically important way, that is a turn backwards in
history and we should be very skeptical and watchful about that.

SL: Attorney General Eric Holder delivered the keynote address at the SNCC
conference. What role did government play in SNCC's understanding of the
path to justice?

TB: This was an issue of tension between SNCC and Dr. King. Dr. King always
tried to knit together the pressure from the movement with results through
politics. He was always looking for way to outlaw segregation and secure
voting rights, legally. The legal part mattered. King tried to keep the
movement together, and, at the same time, he negotiated with all three
branches of government to move towards a voting rights law. For King, the
whole purpose of movement was to gain some footholds in law. SNCC started
that way, but was so disillusioned by the slow performance of the federal
government -- and the fact that the federal government that had been so slow
to move on Civil Rights was that it was starting the war in Vietnam -- that
they disregarded the legal aspect. As an historical matter, I think this is
why King lasted longer. SNCC came apart when it scorned the delicate task of
keeping movement going and getting a political response.

SL: Was SNCC a racially-mixed organization?

TB: It was almost entirely black from 1960 - 1964. Those were important
years. But then when they made the enormously controversial and
philosophically fraught decision to bring 600 white college students down
for freedom summer, a lot of them stayed on, and to a large degree
threatened to swamp SNCC in inter-racialism. It was not smooth. Part of the
inner struggle of SNCC to this day was they professed to be above the race
issue, but in the crucible of risk and trying to work together across
unfamiliar cultures, there was a lot of friction. It was controversial at
this reunion to use the symbol of white and black hands clasped, which was
SNCC's original symbol. The symbol was anachronistic. In the end, SNCC ended
up being an all-black organization. The reunion was about 90% black.

SL: You have written about the way history and myth-making impede progress.
Could you say a bit about how this happens?

TB: Race is a powerful engine of dangerous myth in American history. To some
degree, it is today: a lot of the Tea Party animus is undigested 1960's
resentment that people are called upon to act outside their comfort level
with people from different backgrounds and races, and that government is
forcing them to do this. And this is why they don't like the government. And
because it is subliminal and emotional, it's not ever said directly. A
fantasy is being fed to them: that if it weren't for the government, they
could be totally comfortable, would be wealthy and not have problems. It has
a lot of a success-church mythology sprinkled with an awful lot of
federal-government-is-the-instrument-of-scary-minorities-and-foreigners, and
to that degree that kind of mythology. Some of those same people are totally
blind to all the benefits - even to the white southerners - that the Civil
Rights movement brought to them.

The Future

SL: Harry Belafonte said, during the speech he gave at the conference, that
"no one should leave without a passionate idea about what to do now." What
ideas or issues galvanized most passion?

TB: The issue of education and non-functional schools, particularly in
cities was a big issue. Bob Moses, one of the most powerful forces in SNCC,
has been working on education issues for years. There was a lot of interest
in prisons and the burgeoning prison population. There are two million
people in jail; reasons for this has something do with sentencing
disparities of sentencing, and the effect of the drug war in imprisoning
people for nonviolent crime. The two issues of prison and youth education
dovetailed with some people who were upset about fact that younger and
younger kids, particularly black kids, are incarcerated right out of school.
A lot of people were interested in peace issues and in the question of why
we are continually fighting wars, and, the question of whether there is a
correlation between our having government's tilt towards increased executive
power and the national security state, and the fact that not only have we
been involved in more long-standing wars, but also that we are losing them.

When I saw Eric Holder, I felt badly that people like myself and SNCC didn't
applaud him and step up to offer support when he announced plans to try 9/11
people in civilian courts. This was to me, in a SNCC way that has to do with
questions about what fundamental democracy is, a courageous step.
Essentially Holder was saying: "We are not afraid to test our values in the
open by putting our case there and allowing defense to have its case, and
that is what the American system is about. And to fear that this might fail
or be dangerous is a step backward from our values and a surrender to those
who equate democracy with militarization."

SL: The Attorney General hasn't officially retreated from his announced
decision to try the 9/11 case in civilian court. So it's not too late to
stand up and voice support.

TB: You're right. I came out of the Holder speech thinking that if SNCC
wanted to write him a letter I'd do what I could, and if anyone announced a
march in support of that decision, I will try to attend.

SL: After four days what do you think was the ratio, amongst
conference-goers, of hope to hopelessness or just fatigue?

TB: I didn't sense a lot of hopelessness. I sensed something more like
determination and sprit. There were a lot of people who said, "When we
started SNCC, there wasn't a lot of conscious talk about how that this was
going to change the South. The first thought was we couldn't put up with it
any more and that we simply wanted to do something that would show we
disagreed. And not necessarily because we predicted it would lead to the
kind of change it did." People started this because they wanted to make a
witness or because something welled up in them. That's what a movement is.
It wasn't calculated. Something reminiscent of that spirit was present over
the weekend.

SL: Last question: you used your panel to talk about how SNCC doesn't take
sufficient credit for the profound changes it brought. What difference does
it make if SNCC -- and its accomplishments -- are fully understood?

TB: SNCC doesn't claim the breadth of its impact. And this hurts not only
SNCC's own reputation, but contemporary politics as well. It leaves a gap.
People should be a lot more optimistic about what you can achieve in
politics than they are today. The Pew organization just released a study
that says a huge percentage of people disparage government and say it is
worthless and you can't do anything about it. If everyone had a true
appreciation of breadth of changes spawned by the Civil Rights movement in
general -- and by SNCC in particular -- it would be hard to justify that
level of cynicism and opposition.

Taylor Branch is the author of, among many other books, the Pulitzer
Prize-winning Parting the Waters.