There is moral crisis afoot! So say the Republican candidates for president, their pals in Congress and in state houses. Abortion, gay marriage, contraception — contraception, for Pete's sake — things that so shock the conscience that it's a wonder The Washington Post can even print the words!
Here's something I bet you wouldn't think I'd say: They're right. There is a moral crisis in the United States. The only thing is — they're wrong about what it is and who is causing it.
The real crisis of public morality in the United States doesn't lie in the private decisions Americans make in their lives or their bedrooms; it lies at the heart of an ideology — and a set of policies — that the right-wing has used to batter and browbeat their fellow Americans.
They dress these policies up sometimes, give them catchy titles like Rep. Paul Ryan's "Path to Prosperity." But they never cease to imbue them with the kind of moral decisions that ought to make anyone furious. Ryan's latest budget really is case in point. It's a plan that says that increases in defense spending are so essential, that massive tax cuts for the wealthy are so necessary, that we must pay for them by ripping a hole in the social safety net. The poor need Medicaid to pay for medicine and treatment for their families? We care, we really do, but the wealthy need tax cuts more. Food stamps the only thing standing between your children and starvation? Listen, we feel your pain. We get it. But we've got more important things to spend money on. Like a new yacht for that guy who only has one yacht.
It's hard to point to a single priority of the Republican Party these days that isn't steeped in moral failing while being dressed up in moral righteousness. This week, for example, they are hoping the Supreme Court will be persuaded by radical (and ridiculous) constitutional arguments to throw out some or all of the Affordable Care Act. Sure, you could argue that it's really nice to make sure 31 million people who didn't have health care can get it. Sure you could make the case that lifetime limits are a bad thing, that women shouldn't have to pay more for health insurance just because they're women, that the United States shouldn't be a country where you die because you lost your coverage when you lost your job. But then again, liberty. Let's not forget liberty. Also, freedom.
It is a very strange thing that the people who lecture most fervently about morality are those who are most willing to fight for policies that are so immoral. They watch Wall Street turn itself into the Las Vegas strip, take the economy down and destroy people's lives and livelihoods. To that they say, "By God we need less regulation. Get me the hose, I have things to water down!" They see a CEO of a bank or a corporation, someone who passed off all of the risk and took on all of the reward, and they say, "Get that man a bigger bonus! In fact, get him two!"
They see corporate interests flood the political system with unfathomably large sums of money, they see lobbyists defining the terms of debate, and they say, "Now this . . . this is what democracy should look like."
They see an environmental crisis spinning out of control, the effects of climate change being felt already, the possibility of the biggest natural disaster in modern human history. To which they ask, "Anyone know if we can drill this hole any deeper?"
So yes, Rick Santorum. Yes, Mitt Romney. Yes, Paul Ryan and Republican politicians all over this nation. You are right, as right as you've ever been. There is a moral crisis in this country. A horrifyingly, back-breaking, bankrupt-the-core-of-this-nation style crisis. But it isn't women or the poor or the middle class or the gay community or health-care advocates or environmentalists that are causing it.
From: Sid Shniad
Sent: Sunday, April 08, 2012 1:31 PM
*Translation of Günter Grass's poem "Was gesagt werden muss"*
What Must Be Said
by Michael Keefer and Nica Mintz
Why have I kept silent, silent for too long over what is openly played out in war games at the end of which we the survivors are at best footnotes.
It's that claim of a right to first strike against those who under a loudmouth's thumb are pushed into organized cheering— a strike to snuff out the Iranian people on suspicion that under his influence an atom bomb's being built.
But why do I forbid myself
to name that other land in which
for years—although kept secret—
a usable nuclear capability has grown
beyond all control, because
no scrutiny is allowed.
The universal silence around this fact,
under which my own silence lay,
I feel now as a heavy lie,
a strong constraint, which to dismiss
courts forceful punishment:
the verdict of "Antisemitism" is well known.
But now, when my own country,
guilty of primal and unequalled crimes
for which time and again it must be tasked— once again, in pure commerce, though with quick lips we declare it reparations, wants to send Israel yet another submarine— one whose specialty is to deliver warheads capable of ending all life where the existence of even one nuclear weapon remains unproven, but where suspicion serves for proof— now I say what must be said.
But why was I silent for so long?
Because I thought my origin,
marked with an ineradicable stain,
forbade mention of this fact
as definite truth about Israel, a country to which I am and will remain attached.
Why is it only now I say,
in old age, with my last drop of ink,
that Israel's nuclear power endangers
an already fragile world peace?
Because what by tomorrow might be
too late, must be spoken now,
and because we—as Germans, already
burdened enough—could become
enablers of a crime, foreseeable and therefore not to be eradicated with any of the usual excuses.
And admittedly: I'm silent no more
because I've had it with the West's hypocrisy—and one can hope that many others too may free themselves from silence, challenge the instigator of known danger to abstain from violence, and at the same time demand a permanent and unrestrained control of Israel's atomic power and Iranian nuclear plants by an international authority accepted by both governments.
Only thus can one give help
to Israelis and Palestinians—still more, all the peoples, neighbour-enemies living in this region occupied by madness —and finally, to ourselves as well.