Showdown in Honduras: The Rise and Uncertain Future of the Coup
"while many major news outlets in the US, including the Miami Herald,
Wall Street Journal and Washington Post, said an impetus for the coup
was specifically Zelaya's plans for a vote to allow him to extend his term
in office, the actual ballot question was to be:
"Do you agree that, during the general elections of November 2009 there
should be a fourth ballot to decide whether to hold a Constituent National
Assembly that will approve a new political constitution?"
by: Benjamin Dangl,
t r u t h o u t : June 30, 2009
Worldwide condemnation has followed the coup that unseated President Manuel
Zelaya of Honduras on Sunday, June 28. Nationwide mobilizations and a
general strike demanding that Zelaya be returned to power are growing in
spite of increased military repression. One protester outside the government
palace in Honduras told reporters that if Roberto Micheletti, the leader
installed by the coup, wants to enter the palace, "he had better do so by
air" because if he goes by land "we will stop him."
Early Sunday morning, approximately 100 soldiers entered the home of the
left-leaning Zelaya, forcefully removed him and, while he was still in his
pajamas, ushered him onto a plane to Costa Rica. The tension that led to the
coup involved a struggle for power between left and right political factions
in the country. Besides the brutal challenges facing the Honduran people,
this political crisis is a test for regional solidarity and Washington-Latin
American relations.
Manuel Zelaya Takes a Left Turn
When Manuel Zelaya was elected president on November 27, 2005, in a
close victory, he became president of one of the poorest nations in the
region, with approximately 70 percent of its population of 7.5 million
living under the poverty line. Though siding himself with the region's left
in recent years as a new member of the leftist trade bloc, Bolivarian
Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), Zelaya did sign the Central American
Free Trade Agreement in 2004.
However, Zelaya has been criticizing and taking on the sweatshop and
corporate media industry in his country, and he increased the minimum wage
by 60 percent. He said the increase, which angered the country's elite but
expanded his support among unions, would "force the business oligarchy to
start paying what is fair."
At a meeting of regional anti-drug officials, Zelaya spoke of an
unconventional way to combat the drug trafficking and related violence that
has been plaguing his country: "Instead of pursuing drug traffickers,
societies should invest resources in educating drug addicts and curbing
their demand."
After his election, Zelaya's left-leaning policies began generating
"resistance and anger among Liberal [party] leaders and lawmakers on the one
hand, and attracting support from the opposition, civil society
organizations and popular movements on the other," IPS reported.
The social organization Via Campesina stated, "The government of
President Zelaya has been characterized by its defense of workers and
campesinos, it is a defender of the Bolivarian Alternative of the Americas
(ALBA), and during his administration it has promoted actions that benefit
Honduran campesinos."
As his popularity rose over the years among these sectors of society,
the right wing and elite of Honduras worked to undermine the leader,
eventually resulting in the recent coup.
Leading up to the Coup
The key question leading up to the coup was whether or not to hold a
referendum on Sunday, June 28 - as Zelaya wanted - on organizing an assembly
to rewrite the country's constitution.
As one media analyst pointed out, while many major news outlets in the
US, including the Miami Herald, Wall Street Journal and Washington Post,
said an impetus for the coup was specifically Zelaya's plans for a vote to
allow him to extend his term in office, the actual ballot question was to
be: "Do you agree that, during the general elections of November 2009 there
should be a fourth ballot to decide whether to hold a Constituent National
Assembly that will approve a new political constitution?"
Nations across Latin America, including Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador,
have recently rewritten their constitutions. In many aspects, the changes to
these documents enshrined new rights for marginalized people and protected
the nations' economies from the destabilizing effects of free trade and
corporate looting.
Leading up to the coup, on June 10, members of teacher, student,
indigenous and union groups marched to demand that Congress back the
referendum on the constitution, chanting, "The people, aware, defend the
Constituent [Assembly]." The Honduran Front of Teachers Organizations [FOM],
with some 48,000 members, also supported the referendum. FOM leader Eulogio
Ch·vez asked teachers to organize the expected referendum this past Sunday
in schools, according to the Weekly News Update on the Americas.
The Supreme Court ruled that the referendum violated the constitution as
it was taking place during an election year. When Honduran military Gen.
Romeo Vasquez refused to distribute ballots to citizens and participate in
the preparations for the Sunday referendum, Zelaya fired him on June 24. The
Court called for the reinstatement of Vasquez, but Zelaya refused to
recognize the reinstatement, and proceeded with the referendum, distributing
the ballots and planning for the Sunday vote.
Crackdown in Honduras
Vasquez, a former student at the infamous School of the Americas, now
known as Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC),
went on to be a key leader in the June 28 coup.
After Zelaya had been taken to Costa Rica, a falsified resignation
letter from Zelaya was presented to Congress, and former Parliament leader
Roberto Micheletti was sworn in by Congress as the new president of the
country. Micheletti immediately declared a curfew as protests and
mobilizations continued nationwide.
Since the coup took place, military planes and helicopters have been
circling the city, the electricity and internet have been cut off, and only
music is being played on the few radio stations that are still operating,
according to IPS News.
Telesur journalists, who have been reporting consistently throughout the
conflict, were detained by the de facto government in Honduras. They were
then released, thanks to international pressure.
The ambassadors to Honduras from Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua were
arrested. Patricia Rodas, the foreign minister of Honduras under Zelaya has
also been arrested. Rodas recently presided over an OAS meeting in which
Cuba was finally admitted into the organization.
The military-installed government has issued arrest warrants for
Honduran social leaders for the Popular Bloc Coordinating Committee, Via
Campesina and the Civic Council of Grassroots and Indigenous Organizations
of Honduras, according to the Weekly News Update on the Americas.
Human rights activist Dr. Juan Almendares, reporting from Tegucigalpa,
the capital of Honduras, told Democracy Now! that due to government
crackdowns and the electrical blackout, there is "not really access to
information, no freedom of the press." He said, "We have also a curfew,
because after 9:00 you can be shot if you are on the streets. So we have a
curfew from 9:00 to 6:00 a.m."
In a statement on the coup, Via Campesina said, "We believe that these
deeds are the desperate acts of the national oligarchy and the hardcore
right to preserve the interests of capital, and in particular, of the large
transnational corporations."
Mobilizations and Strikes in Support of Zelaya
Members of social, indigenous and labor organizations from around the
country have concentrated in the city's capital, organizing barricades
around the presidential palace, demanding Zelaya's return to power.
"Thousands of Hondurans gathered outside the presidential palace singing the
national hymn," Telesur reported. "While the battalions mobilized against
protesters at the Presidential House, the TV channels did not report on the
tense events." Bertha C·ceres, the leader of the Consejo CÌvico de
Organizaciones Populares y IndÌgenas, said that the ethnic communities of
the country are ready for resistance and do not recognize the Micheletti
government.
Dr. Almendares reported that in spite of massive repression on the part
of the military leaders, "We have almost a national strike for workers,
people, students and intellectuals, and they are organized in a popular
resistance-run pacific movement against this violation of the democracy....
There are many sectors involved in this movement trying to restitute the
constitutional rights, the human rights."
Rafael AlegrÌa, a leader of Via Campesina in Honduras, told Telesur,
"The resistance of the people continues and is growing, already in the
western part of the country campesinos are taking over highways, and the
military troops are impeding bus travel, which is why many people have
decided to travel to Tegucigalpa on foot. The resistance continues in spite
of the hostility of the military patrols."
A general strike was also organized by various social and labor sectors
in the country. Regarding the strike, AlegrÌa said it is happening across
state institutions and "progressively in the private sector."
The 4th Army Battalion from the Atl·ntida Department in Honduras, has
declared that it will not respect orders from the Micheletti government, and
the major highways of the country are blocked by protesters, according to a
radio interview with AlegrÌa.
The Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras
(COPINH), condemned the coup, media crackdowns and repression, saying in a
statement: "[T]he Honduran people are carrying out large demonstrations,
actions in their communities, in the municipalities; there are occupations
of bridges, and a protest in front of the presidential residence, among
others. From the lands of Lempira, Moraz·n and Visitaci'n Padilla, we call
on the Honduran people in general to demonstrate in defense of their rights
and of real and direct democracy for the people, to the fascists we say that
they will NOT silence us, that this cowardly act will turn back on them,
with great force."
Washington Responds
On Sunday, Obama spoke of the events in Honduras: "I am deeply concerned
by reports coming out of Honduras regarding the detention and expulsion of
President Mel Zelaya. As the Organization of American States did on Friday,
I call on all political and social actors in Honduras to respect democratic
norms, the rule of law and the tenets of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter. Any existing tensions and disputes must be resolved peacefully
through dialogue free from any outside interference."
But the US hasn't actually called what's happened in Honduras a coup.
Hillary Clinton said, "We are withholding any formal legal determination."
And regarding whether or not the US is calling for Zelaya's return, Clinton
said, "We haven't laid out any demands that we're insisting on, because
we're working with others on behalf of our ultimate objectives."
If the White House declares that what's happening in Honduras is a coup,
they would have to block aid to the rogue Honduran government. A provision
of US law regarding funds directed by the US Congress says that, "None of
the funds appropriated or otherwise made available ... shall be obligated or
expended to finance directly any assistance to the government of any country
whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup or
decree."
"The State Department has requested $68.2 million in aid for fiscal year
2010 [for Honduras], which begins on October 1, up from $43.2 million in the
current fiscal year and $40.5 million a year earlier," according to Reuters.
The US military has a base in Soto Cano, Honduras, which, according to
investigative journalist Eva Golinger, is home to approximately 500 troops
and a number of air force planes and helicopters.
Regarding US relations with the Honduran military, Latin American
History professor and journalist Greg Grandin said on Democracy Now!: "The
Honduran military is effectively a subsidiary of the United States
government. Honduras, as a whole, if any Latin American country is fully
owned by the United States, it's Honduras. Its economy is wholly based on
trade, foreign aid and remittances. So if the US is opposed to this coup
going forward, it won't go forward. Zelaya will return ..."
The Regional Response
The Organization of American States and the United Nations have
condemned the coup. Condemnation of the coup has come in from major leaders
across the globe, and all over Latin America, as reported by Reuters: the
presidents of Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia and Cuba have been outspoken in
their protests against the coup. The French Foreign Ministry said, "France
firmly condemns the coup that has just taken place in Honduras." Argentine
President Cristina Fernandez said, "I'm deeply worried about the situation
in Honduras ... it reminds us of the worst years in Latin America's
history."
Even Augusto RamÌrez Ocampo, a former foreign minister of Colombia told
the NY Times, "It is a legal obligation to defend democracy in Honduras."
Only time will tell what the international and national support for
Zelaya means for Honduras. Regional support for Bolivian President Evo
Morales during an attempted coup in 2008 empowered his fight against
right-wing destabilizing forces. Popular support in the streets proved vital
during the attempted coup against Venezuelan President Chavez in 2002.
Meanwhile, Zelaya supporters continue to convene at the government
palace, yelling at the armed soldiers while tanks roam the streets.
"We're defending our president," protester Umberto Guebara told a New
York Times reporter. "I'm not afraid. I'd give my life for my country."
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