Sent: Monday, April 11, 2011 9:50 PM
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Subject: Don't Miss Out!
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Would that I had written this article. It affirms the common sense
that the human beings struggling for democracy in
overtly and imminently threatened with death and destruction
by Khaddafi. He had just demonstrated what awaited with
slaughter in
of demonstrators, and then promising the same for
was immediately copied by other dictators similarly threatened
by the Arab Spring.
At the same time, who could deny the intentions of
European imperialism to attempt to control the democratic surge,
by any means available; to insert agents under cover of help, to
recognize friendly oppositionists and covert agents as representing
the masses, likely helping organize an "official" leadership, as soon
as possible, in the face of the genuine democratic desires of the
demonstrating, but disorganized masses, who threaten their long control
of resources and governance. Versions of this are now going on in
and throughout the area.
This article is on the mark; you have to hold two processes in your mind,
at the same time, while supporting the aspiring democracy of the masses. Please read on.
*** I've attached notice of tonight's performance of the Get Lit Players,
the magnificent young poets who are igniting and transforming youth culture
throughout So.
interviewing, videotaping their performances and the process taught by their
founder,
Robbins' Actors Gang Theater. It's free, but welcoming donations. I love 'em.
Ed
From: Sid Shniad
http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/490.php#continue
The Two Wars in
By Art Young: April 11, 2011*
Two wars are being waged simultaneously in
revolutionary struggle for democracy; the other is an attempt by imperialism
to strengthen its domination of the country. Both wars appear to share the
goal of “regime change” but they stand at opposite ends of the political
spectrum.
The regime change that the revolutionary struggle seeks to achieve is the
overthrow of the Muammar Gaddafi dictatorship and the establishment of a system of democratic rule. As is the case in
The struggle for democracy in
awakening of 2011, a movement of millions of people that threatens the
imperialist status quo. Victory or defeat in
on the revolutionary struggles unfolding across the region. For all these
reasons, it deserves our wholehearted support.
Fighting Escalates
Libyan rebels.
The military form of the struggle today (now with many aspects of a civil
war) was largely imposed on the movement by Gaddafi's regime. During the
first couple of weeks the liberation struggle took the form of largely
spontaneous uprisings in one city after another, spreading quickly across
the country. Sections of the army and major figures of the regime defected.
The pro-Gaddafi forces were paralyzed by the speed and power of the movement
and the readiness of many to die in the cause of freedom. At this point it
looked like
had other ideas – and the resources to implement them. He unleashed a
systematic bloodbath. The insurgents were forced to take up arms to defend
themselves as best they could. (The defecting army units seem to have melted
away. They have played little or no role in the fighting, which has been the
work of heroic but untrained and ill-equipped volunteers.) Gaddafi’s forces
took no quarter, murdering many peaceful demonstrators and reducing entire
cities to rubble. Gradually they gained the upper hand and began to march
toward
The
a few days for them to transform the supposed UN-sponsored police action to
protect civilians into an all-out war against
they want is to replace the Gaddafi clique with clients who can defend their
interests more reliably. The NATO allies also hope to cow the rebellious
Arab peoples with a demonstration of how foreign powers can still frustrate
their attempts to win freedom. This is a reactionary war without an ounce of
progressive, humanitarian content.
Resolution 1973 of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), adopted on
March 17, gave the green light to foreign intervention in
wide-ranging debate in liberal and left-wing circles has ensued, with
figures such as Gilbert Achcar and Juan Cole supporting the resolution's
call for a no-fly zone to protect civilians and others opposing it. (Ed.:
see *Bullet* No. 483 <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/483.php> and
more articles on the *Links International Journal of Socialist
Renewal*<http://links.org.au/taxonomy/term/222>website.)
Debate Superseded by Events
While this writer is in the latter camp, the debate over the no-fly zone has
been superseded by subsequent events. There is little value in continuing to
discuss whether the intervention authorized by the UNSC resolution “saved”
some time support foreign intervention, or whether certain historical
precedents apply in this case. The Libyan people aren't facing an abstract
no-fly zone. They are the victims of a far-reaching imperialist assault that
includes cruise missile attacks, a naval blockade, bombing of military and
strategic infrastructure targets, close-in air attacks (the so-called
no-drive zone) and any other facilities and assets the NATO commanders wish
to destroy. A growing number of reports attest to the presence of boots on
the ground of special forces from
some of whom are “training” the insurgents.
This assault on the Libyan people was the real objective behind the
smokescreen of a no-fly zone. Indeed, the UNSC resolution was carefully
worded to allow for an open-ended escalation of the conflict by NATO.
How has the situation evolved in recent weeks?
On the ground in
equilibrium. On the eve of the foreign intervention the rebellion was in
desperate straits, reeling from a string of military defeats. Now the rebel
forces have consolidated their position in
second-largest city, and in the cities and towns further east. West of
Further west, Misurata, the third-largest city located between the Gaddafi
strongholds of
insurgent local population who have resisted weeks of merciless heavy
bombardment from loyalist forces. The Gaddafi loyalists have consolidated
their hold on the western part of the country, often through ruthless
repression of cities and towns that dared to rebel during the first phase of
the uprising.
It must be noted, though, that the pro-democracy forces have paid a huge
political price for the respite that they have achieved in the east of the
country. The imperialists have succeeded in entangling
democratic freedoms with their war against the country's sovereignty. The
rebel bands – still very far from a coherent armed force – are far too weak
to defeat the loyalists without military assistance from the outside powers.
The air war and the advance or retreat of the rebels on the ground appear as
complementary activities of a single strategy. (The denials notwithstanding,
it strains credulity to believe that the fighting and bombing are not being
closely coordinated.) The indigenous character of the freedom struggle risks
being overshadowed by the war of aggression of the great powers. Meanwhile
the imperialists lay claim to the mantle of the freedom fighters.
Political Retreat
This observation is not meant as criticism from afar of the leaders of the
rebellion or a form of “what if” speculation. Rather it is offered as an
assessment of the situation as it has evolved; we should not close our eyes
to the political retreat from the moral high ground, independent of the ebbs
and flows of the military struggle.
Whether or not the insurgency could have pursued another course is a
different matter. They had to contend with many constraints over which they
had little or no control – not only Gaddafi's murderous refusal to yield an
inch, but also the specific history, culture and social structure of
They were forced to wage their struggle under conditions much less
favourable than those faced by their counterparts in
Quite apart from the political retreat of the opposition, it is apparent
that the imperialist war has greatly strengthened Gaddafi's political
standing within
defender of the unity and sovereignty of the nation, thereby appealing to
wavering elements and strengthening the resolve of his loyalists to fight
on. Indeed, the disintegration of the dictator's forces came to an end and
the loyalist counteroffensive began just as the NATO powers' threats of war
reached their peak. Gaddafi's hand is further strengthened by the
“collateral damage” produced by the Western air attacks. Despite the silence
of the mainstream media, the civilian victims are no doubt numerous.
Should we therefore conclude that the entanglement of the two wars in
means that the revolutionary democratic struggle has been defeated? Has the
anti-Gaddafi rebel movement been reduced to a simple appendage of the NATO
forces who aim to conquer and rule
Are the rebels the new Quislings <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quisling>?
Struggle for Democracy is Still Alive
That is certainly one possible outcome of the current situation and a number
of contributions posted here and elsewhere argue along these lines. But in
my opinion such a conclusion is premature. It is also unduly pessimistic.
The revolutionary struggle for democracy is still alive and its future
course remains an open question.
We should note the repeated complaints from the British and
that they “do not know” the leaders in
They are saying that they do not trust them – they are not sure that the
base, the rebel fighters, who are armed, will submit to the big powers'
plans for the country or that the
their base under control, above all in the context of the wave of change
sweeping the region. Moreover, the continuing resistance in Misurata and the
lengthy resistance in Zawiyah, a city just west of
deep-rooted, plebeian, and nation-wide character of the freedom struggle.
Future developments in the region, particularly inneighbouring
Still, the situation remains highly fluid and we should remain alert to the
shifting political sands in
Art Young is a long-time socialist and solidarity activist and a member of
the Greater Toronto Workers' Assembly <http://www.workersassembly.ca/>. This
article first appeared on the *Links International Journal of Socialist
Renewal* <http://links.org.au/> website.
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