From the Gulf to the Ocean
The Middle East is Changing
By RAMZY BAROUD
Counterpunch: Weekend Edition, February 18 - 20, 2011
Low that the Egyptian people have finally wrestled their freedom from the
hands of a very stubborn regime, accolades to the revolution are pouring in
from all directions. Even those who initially sided with Hosni Mubarak's
regime, or favored a neutral position, have now changed their tune.
"Arabs celebrate from the Gulf to the Ocean," proclaimed a headline on Al
Jazeera TV. The phrase "from the Gulf to the Ocean" is not a haphazard
geographical reference, but very much a geopolitical one. Ever since former
Egyptian president Anwar Sadat defied the will of the Arab collective and
chose a self-serving (and according to popular Arab opinion, disgraceful)
exit for his country from what was until then the 'Arab-Israeli conflict',
the above phrase functioned only as an empty slogan. Saddat's signing of the
Camp David treaty in 1979 had effectively marginalized the most committed
Arab country from a conflict that was previously defined by Egypt's
involvement. It thus left Israel's weaker Arab foes as easy targets for
uneven wars, and in a perpetual state of defeat and humiliation.
Mubarak's importance to Israel and the US stemmed from the fact that he
guarded Israeli gains for the pitiful price of $1.8 billion a year. Most of
this went to fulfill military contracts, upgrade military hardware and
subsidize US military expertise aimed at 'modernizing' the Egyptian army.
Israel, of course, was given almost double that amount and was promised,
through a separate agreement with the US, a military edge against its foes,
Egypt included.
But Mubarak gained much more than hard cash. His greatest gains were related
to US foreign policy in the region. While the US violated the sovereignty of
various Arab countries, Mubarak's regime was left largely unscathed. Free
from any effective resistance at home, and any serious criticism from
abroad, members of Egypt's ruling National Democratic Party used the lack of
accountability to accumulate unprecedented wealth, at the expense of 40
percent of Egypt's 84 million people who lived below the poverty line. The
ruling party had indeed become a club for millionaires. The barely existing
middle class shrunk even further, the working class lived with the dream of
finding employment elsewhere, and the underclass - millions of whom lived in
'random' neighborhoods, and often large graveyards - subsisted in a most
humiliating existence.
All this mattered little to Washington, whose policies have only verified
Lord Palmerston's assertion that "there are no permanent allies.only
permanent interests". Henry Kissinger eventually took Egypt out of the whole
Middle East equation, and others followed in his lead, ensuring that Egypt
could never act in a way that disturbed Israeli interests. Ironically, it
was also Washington that jumped on the opportunity to chase Mubarak - but
not his regime - out of power. Soon after Mubarak's newly appointed vice
president read the short statement of Mubarak's departure, Obama elatedly
read his own statement. When he announced that the Egyptian people would
settle for nothing less than 'genuine democracy', he sounded like one of the
guys in the Tahrir square in Cairo, not the leader of the very country that
had defended Mubarak's reign and defined the former president as a
'moderate' and a good friend. "No permanent allies," indeed.
It was also this very Obama - now using poetic language to describe Egypt's
popular revolution - who chose Egypt in June 2009 to deliver his
reconciliatory speech to Arabs and Muslims everywhere. Cairo was chosen
because Mubarak had been a most faithful friend to the US and Israel. He had
rallied the Arabs against Iraq in 1990. He had taken a stance against the
Lebanese resistance in 2006. And he had championed Israel's 'security' by
sealing off the Gaza border, resulting in the loss of thousands of
Palestinian lives. To justify keeping the border shut, Mubarak had cited the
Rafah Agreement of 2005, claiming that opening the border could harm
Palestinian sovereignty somehow. As it turned out, Egypt under Mubarak was
fully involved in suffocating Palestinian democracy, destroying any
resistance to Israel and ensuring the success of the Israeli siege.
According to Wikileaks, Omar Suleiman, until recently Egypt's Intelligence
Chief, had, in 2005, made a promise to Amos Gilad, head of the Israeli
Defense Ministry's Diplomatic Security Bureau: "There will be no elections
(in Palestine) in January. We will take care of it." When this promise could
not be kept, and Hamas was elected to power, Suleiman invited the Israeli
army to enter into Egyptian territories to secure the siege on Gaza. The CIA
was also allowed to torture 'terrorists-suspects' under the supervision of
Mubarak's goons, Suleiman in particular. A US official praised Suleiman's
cooperation and the fact that he was not 'squeamish' about torture. It is
important here to note that during nearly three weeks of Egyptian protests,
the US pushed for a smooth and peaceful transition of power - from Mubarak
to Suleiman.
The determination of the Egyptian people, however, forced all such plans to
be aborted. The schemers will continue to scheme, of course, but their
options are quickly declining. When Egyptians said they wanted to change the
'regime', they really meant it.
Perhaps one of the greatest achievements of the Egyptian revolution is that
it was indeed exclusively Egyptian. No American branding companies were
hired to manage the moment, no former Bill Clinton advisors were needed to
provide consultations to some self-serving opposition. Noone from Cairo
called on Washington, London, or even Tehran to come to their rescue. If any
such calls were made, they were made to the 'Arab people' and to the 'free
world' to stand in solidarity with ordinary Egyptians as they orchestrated
their return as the rightful owners of their own country and shapers of
their own destiny.
The Egyptian revolution has shown the world that democracy and freedom in
the Arab world needs no military funding, no political doctrines, no Great
Middle East Democracy Projects, and no foreign invasions or foreign-backed
military coups. It only needs ordinary people to unearth their own, innate
and extraordinary strength. The Egyptian revolution has finally restored the
power back to the people, a collective experience that many of us will
always remember, with pride, and some will always fear, for good reason.
Ramzy Baroud is editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been
published in many newspapers and journals worldwide. His latest book is The
Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto
Press, London). His newbook is, "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's
Untold Story" (Pluto Press, London)
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